This thesis is concerned with the subject of anti-terrorism laws and their impact on the ghts of refugees and asylum seekers. In particular, it looks at the compatibility of anti terrorism laws with international human rights law instruments.

This study investigates and analyses the implications of state and state sponsored international terrorism for Africa. To realise this objective, the study focuses on international terrorist acts carried out by Libya and Sudan as well as those carried out by terrorist groups sponsored by them. The work examines new forms of terrorism, and attempts to develop a conceptual framework of state and state sponsored international terrorism. The focus is mainly on why states adopt or support terrorism as a means of achieving domestic and foreign policy objectives. The study also concerns itself with the measures in place to combat state and state sponsored international terrorism and further shows the extent to which sponsorship of international terrorism poses a threat to individual Africa countries in particular and the continent in general. The time period covered in this study is 1960 to 2006. The significance of this study is threefold: first, its clarifications of the concepts of terrorism, state terrorism, and state sponsored international terrorism, are necessary for policy formulation and implementation as well as secondly highlighting specific opportunities that exist for Africa if the threat of state and state sponsored international terrorism is combated. Thirdly, its investigation and recommendations for a concerted effort in the fight against this phenomenon are also aimed at policy makers. Copyright / Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This thesis in Peace and Conflict addresses the development and impacts of the Islamic organisation Boko Haram in the context of frustration-aggression and complexity theories. It investigates the overall phenomenon of terrorism, reviews Boko Haram’s context within other terrorist organisations, and the impact that Boko Haram has had in the development of the humanitarian crisis in Nigeria. Local and regional response to threats by Boko Haram is considered, as well as Boko Haram’s recent pledge to the ISIL terrorist organisation. The Boko Haram (BH) Islamic fundamentalist emerged in Nigeria in 2002 with the idea of turning Nigeria into an Islamic country to be ruled by the Sharia law. Other reasons were hatred for the West and adverse domestic factors in the north-east where the group has been more prevalent. The domestic-based insurgent group established links with some international terrorist organizations (ITOs) such as Al-Qaeda, AQIM and Al-Shabaab and became more sophisticated in its attacks and tactics which made it to threaten the national security of Nigeria in the destruction of lives and properties. This paper seeks to argue the evolution Boko Haram arising from some domestic factors prevalent in the north-east of Nigeria; and then conclude with some measures to be in place to put an end to the criminality perpetuated by the group in the country with the ability to seriously threaten the security of the state and the society. Finally, suggestions for policy recommendations to the Nigerian government are made.

Terrorist activity has come to the forefront of political thought in recent years, especially since the attacks on the World Trade Center and Washington D.C on September 11, 2001. President George W. Bush declared a “war on terror” and governments all around the world have taken steps to enhance national security in efforts to prevent terrorist activity. The steps taken are not unwarranted, and in some cases have been successful. The nature of terrorism modernizes just as the world around it does, and as the global community has benefited from globalization and modernization, so have terrorist organizations. This study analyzes the history of modern terrorism through the comparison of four separate waves: the Anarchist Wave, the Nationalist-Separatist Wave, the Revolutionary Wave, and the Religious Wave. This paper compares each wave’s roots, desired outcomes and goals, strategies and modus operandi, destructive impact, and outcomes. The study identifies a move away from hierarchal organization, modernization in communications and weapon choice, and a significant rise in the lethality of terrorist activity in recent years. Furthermore, there is a connection between globalization and modernization and the increase in terrorist activity and lethality. Economic interconnection has provided opportunities through which terrorists can act by providing them with a shield of anonymity, while cultural interconnection has created situations through which anger and frustration can fester to provide motives and justifications for terrorist activity. Meanwhile, modernization has created new technologies that provide more effective means through which terrorists can act on their motives. Although the Religious Wave has been nicknamed the "jihadist wave" to reflect the prevalence of Islamic groups, this study analyzes social, economic, and historic impacts that have led to this wave rather than assume that Islam is inherently violent.

Summary: International Terrorism and Human Rights Key words: international terrorism, antiterrorist measures, human rights First part of the thesis is centered on characteristics of international terrorism, concept of human rights and three aspects of their mutual relationship: the immediate impact of terrorist attacks on human rights of their direct victims and the society as a whole and aspects linked to the states' response consisting of human rights breaches of suspects during repressive measures and curtailing the rights and freedoms of us all during preventive measures. Many states have tighten their current antiterrorist measures, introduced new ones and strengthened the powers of military and law enforcement at the expense of internationally guaranteed human rights and fundamental freedoms, argumenting with the need of neccessary trade-off between personal rights and freedoms and national security. Nevertheless, there are flexible institutes imbedded into international law that allow for realization of represive and preventive measures whithout compromising the guaranteed human rights. Secong part is devoted to these flexible institutes, namely limitation and derogation of human rights. Listed are necessary conditions of their implementation, in case of limitation of human rights the adherance to the...

Master of Arts - International Relations / The events of September 11 (9/11) have proved to be the catalyst for the evolution of ‘traditional’ terrorism methodologies into those of a transnational dimension. As a consequence, 9/11 has reshaped the international security community’s perceptions regarding the transnational threat of terrorism. Security analysts have called for a ‘networked’ response as the most effective strategy of defence against global terrorist networks. Hence, efforts to contain the threat of transnational terrorism will be more effective if implemented in conjunction with policies and mechanisms designed to facilitate international counter-terrorism co-operation. Therefore, taking into account the ‘perceived’ intelligence failure of 9/11, intelligence and anti-terrorism law enforcement agencies of governments committed to the ‘war against terrorism’ will need to integrate their intelligence capabilities and establish operational co-ordination on a multilateral level as an effective counter-terrorism mechanism. This research will focus on the multilateral intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism co-ordination mechanisms implemented post-9/11 by governments and International Organisations, such as the UN’s Counter Terrorism Committee and NATO’s invoking of Article 5, to contain and confront transnational terrorism. It is not within the scope of this study to analyse the reasons and ideologies behind 9/11 and modern-day terrorism.

[pt] A presente pesquisa trabalha a questões da Trí­plice Fronteira. Pelo termo, entendo as múltiplas dinâmicas político-históricas associadas direta ou indiretamente à suposta atuação de agentes do terrorismo internacional ou seus financiadores na região onde confluem as fronteiras de Brasil, Argentina e Paraguai. Analiso o processo de representação desta área como potencial foco de ameaça à  segurança dos Estados Unidos: em outras palavras, estudo o processo de securitização da Trí­plice Fronteira. Após uma breve introdução sobre esta região e os parâmetros metodológicos que orientam minha pesquisa, promovo um diálogo entre a teoria da securitização da Escola de Copenhague e a literatura da Geopolítica Crítica para pensar a articulação de discursos hegemônicos sobre a Trí­plice Fronteira. Em seguida, analiso (1) a Polí­tica Externa do governo George W. Bush, (2) o relacionamento histórico entre os Estados Unidos e o fenômeno do terrorismo político e, por fim, (3) as formas de inserção da América Latina na agenda de segurança dos Estados Unidos. A aná¡lise dos discursos norte-americanos sobre a Tríplice Fronteira me permite, por fim, mapear as diferentes fases históricas do processo de representação discursiva deste espaço como um foco de ameaça e assim entender tanto os métodos quanto as formas através das quais a Tríplice Fronteira foi inserida na agenda norte-americana de Guerra ao Terror. / [en] This research deals with the issue of the Tri-border Area. By this term, I mean the political and historical dynamics directly or indirectly related to the alleged presence of international terrorism agents or theirs sponsors in the region where the borders of Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay meet. I focus my attention on the process of representation of this area as a potential source of threats to the security of the United States: in other words, I analyze the process of securitization of the Tri-border Area. After a brief introduction about this region and the methodological parameters that guide my research, I promote a dialogue between the Copenhagen School's Securitization Theory and the Critical Geopolitics literature as a way of thinking about the articulation of hegemonic discourses about the Triborder Area. Then I examine (1) U.S. Foreign Policy under George W. Bush, (2) the historical relationship between the United States and the phenomenon of political terrorism and, finally, (3) the ways in which Latin America has been present in security concern of the United States. Analyzing the discourses about the Tri- border Area I map the distinct historical periods related to the discursive representation of this space as a source of threat so that I can understand both the methods and that ways by which the Tri-border area has been included in the War on Terror.

Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo a percepção de ameaça terrorista em São Paulo, no contexto dos Jogos Olímpicos Rio 2016. Os objetivos da pesquisa foram caracterizar a percepção da população de São Paulo em relação à ameaça terrorista e dimensionar a efetividade do programa governamental de sensibilização contra ameaça terrorista concebido em proveito da segurança durante os jogos olímpicos. Ao longo de seis meses, de fevereiro a julho de 2016, o autor integrou a equipe do programa e participou da capacitação de 4.287 (quatro mil duzentos e oitenta e sete) profissionais dos setores de turismo, segurança pública e defesa. A pesquisa adota o método do estudo de caso e a base de dados é composta por 1.109 (um mil cento e nove) formulários de pesquisa. Com base em 13 (treze) características do terrorismo extraídas das obras de Alex Schmid, David Rapoport e Martha Crenshaw, o pesquisador investiga a percepção de ameaça terrorista no grupo amostral, obtendo como resultado os seguintes elementos: fanatismo e/ou extremismo religioso (85,57%); violência física e/ou psicológica (62,23%); intimidação, medo e incerteza (60,90%); objetivos políticos (55,37%); uso das redes sociais (53,22%); planejamento (51,79%); estratégia (50,77%); indivíduos isolados (45,04%); grupos não estatais (37,56%); propaganda (36,34%); vítimas aleatoriamente escolhidas (35,41%); clandestinidade (33,98%); ação tática (17,60%). Quanto ao programa governamental de sensibilização contra ameaça terrorista, os resultados apontam um aumento de 34,31% (trinta e quatro vírgula trinta e um por cento) no índice de percepção dos concludentes do curso, indicando a efetividade do instrumento. / The object of this research is the perception of terrorist threat in São Paulo, in the context of the Olympic Games Rio 2016. The objectives of the research were to characterize the population\'s perception of the terrorist threat and to assess the effectiveness of the government\'s program of sensitization against terrorist threats designed to improve resilience during the Olympic Games. Over the course of six months, from February to July 2016, the author joined the program team and participated in the training of 4,287 ( four thousand two hundred and eighty-seven) professionals in the tourism, public security and defense sectors. The research adopts the case study method and the database is made up of 1,109 (one thousand one hundred and nine) research forms. Based on (13) thirteen characteristics of terrorism extracted from the works of Alex Schmid, David Rapoport and Martha Crenshaw, the researcher investigates the perception of terrorist threat in the sample group, resulting in the following elements: fanaticism and / or religious extremism (85 , 57%); physical and / or psychological violence (62.23%); intimidation, fear and uncertainty (60.90%); political objectives (55.37%); use of social networks (53.22%); planning (51.79%); strategy (50.77%); isolated individuals (45.04%); non-state groups (37.56%); advertising (36.34%); randomly selected victims (35.41%); clandestinely (33.98%); tactical action (17.60%). As for the government\'s program to raise awareness against terrorist threats, the results indicate a 34.31% (thirty-four point thirty-one percent) increase in the perception of the conclusive students of the course, indicating the effectiveness of the instrument.

No description available.

Despite the difficult situation in Iraq, US President Bush easily won a second term, but his room for manoeuvre is now significantly smaller than it was four years ago. He has at least three conflicts on his plate: the first and most critical one in Iraq, the second the continuing war on terror and the third the struggle to consolidate Afghanistan. Conscious of the growing risk of US overstretch, Bush is now reaching out to the European allies. However, most observers anticipate a change in style rather than any real change in substance.