Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-08-16Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:15:44Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 souza_mcb_me_mar.pdf: 500229 bytes, checksum: de4a7d7ff254b0a83ce120d866d564e5 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo fazer uma análise da política estratégica dos Estados Unidos para a América do Sul, do governo Clinton ao governo Bush. O trabalho versa sobre os principais temas que configuram as abordagens estratégicas norte-americanas para a região, dentro de um contexto mais amplo das mudanças pelas quais passaram a segurança internacional no final da guerra fria. Os Estados Unidos, ao não mais encontrarem no sistema internacional um adversário tradicional ou compatível com seus delineamentos estratégicos, tiveram que redesenhar e redefinir suas prioridades para a segurança nacional. Dessa forma, ameaças transnacionais foram, gradualmente, abordadas como uma das novas prioridades para garantir a segurança nacional do país. Com relação à América do Sul, partindo das estratégias norte-americanas para o Hemisfério Ocidental, os temas elencados nas políticas para a região são: o tráfico de drogas, a promoção da democracia, abertura de mercados, tráfico e produção de drogas, corrupção, lavagem de dinheiro e terrorismo. Estes temas percorreram todos os planejamentos estratégicos do governo Clinton, através de sua agenda multilateral, dentro do contexto da estratégia de Engajamento e Expansão, a qual buscou vincular os países aos temas sensíveis à sua segurança nacional, através de vários encontros Hemisféricos. No caso da América Latina, as Cúpulas das Américas e suas reuniões específicas, como as Reuniões de Ministros de Defesa das Américas, foram meios de se obter esta vinculação política. Estes temas permaneceram presentes no governo George W. Bush, entretanto, a abordagem estratégica para a região enfatizou a possível ligação entre estas questões presentes, como o tráfico de drogas, lavagem de dinheiro e corrupção; ao terrorismo internacional, o qual sobe ao topo das prioridades da política estratégica norte-americana / This research aims to analyze the strategic policy of the United States to South America, from the Clinton administration to the Bush administration. This paper discusses major issues that shape strategic approaches within the U.S. for the region within a broader context of changes which came to international security at the end of the Cold War. The United States, which no longer met in the international system a traditional adversary compatible with its strategic designs, had to redesign and redefine its priorities for national security. Thus, transnational threats have been gradually addressed as one of the new priorities to ensure national security of the country. Regarding South America, departing from North American strategies for the Western Hemisphere, the topics listed in the strategic policies for the region are: drug trafficking, maintenance of democracy, open markets, trafficking and drug production, corruption, money laundering and terrorism. These subjects went through all the strategic plans of the Clinton administration, through its multilateral agenda, within the context of the Strategy of Engagement and Expansion, which sought to bind the countries to sensitive issues to its national security through various hemispheric meetings. In the case of Latin America, the Summits of the Americas and its specific meetings such as the Meetings of Ministers of Defense of the Americas were ways to get this linking policy. These themes remained present under the George W. Bush’s administration, however, the strategic approach to the region emphasized the possible link between these issues in the region, such as drug trafficking, money laundering and corruption, to international terrorism, which rises to the top of the priorities of US strategic policy

Fundação de Apoio a Pesquisa e à Inovação Tecnológica do Estado de Sergipe - FAPITEC/SE / The research presents a critical approach about the dogmatic obstacles identified in cases of international terrorism typification. Considering the assumptions of systemic validity of criminal law, the research, through the method of review and comparative analysis of international documents, questions the scientificity in the choice for the autonomous criminalization of conduits to him related. The criminal law has suffered with the inflows of the globalisation process, requiring the overcoming of old dogmas. This new dynamic has guided the abandonment to the rigidity of a criminal science focused on the national scope, putting the problem about terrorism in an international plan. There is, indeed, a clear need for concepts and ways of coping so far used should undergo a thorough review. Terrorism is the most emblematic example of this new order, where the criminal types edited, due to the own terminological vagueness, by reason of their own terminological imprecision, disfigured a series of elementary precepts legitimating, from the principle of legality, the valid imputation of a conduct. The research seeks to assess whether there is legitimacy in the use of criminal law to deal with international terrorism, analyzing if the international criminal law and humanitarian law, isolated or in combination, would not be more appropriate ways to that adopt a minimally harmful output to the rights and fundamental guarantees committed in the process of criminalization. / A pesquisa apresenta uma abordagem crítica acerca dos obstáculos dogmáticos identificados na tipificação do terrorismo internacional. Considerando os pressupostos de validade sistêmica do direito penal, a pesquisa, por meio do método de revisão bibliográfica e análise comparada de documentos internacionais, questiona a racionalidade na escolha pela criminalização autônoma de condutas a ele relacionadas. O direito penal sofreu com os influxos do processo de globalização, passando a exigir a superação de antigas estruturas e construções clássicas. Essa nova dinâmica tem orientado o abandono à rigidez de uma ciência penal voltada ao âmbito de aplicação nacional, colocando o problema acerca do terrorismo num plano internacional. Há, com efeito, uma clara necessidade de que conceitos e caminhos de enfrentamento até então utilizados devam passar por uma profunda reanálise. O terrorismo é o exemplo mais emblemático dessa nova ordem, onde os tipos penais editados, em razão da própria imprecisão terminológica, desfiguraram uma série de preceitos elementares que legitimam, a partir do princípio da legalidade, a válida imputação de uma conduta. A pesquisa busca avaliar se há validade na utilização do direito penal interno para lidar com o terrorismo internacional, analisando se o direito penal internacional e direito humanitário, isolados ou conjuntamente, não seriam caminhos mais adequados para que se adote uma saída minimamente danosa aos direitos e garantias fundamentais comprometidos no processo de criminalização. / São Cristóvão, SE

The objective of this study is to investigate trends in international terrorism since the end of the Cold War, including those identified as “new” terrorism and to determine to what extent these are applicable to the Al-Qaeda movement. To achieve this aim, the study focused on aspects such as the origin and development of new terrorism; the differences and resemblances between traditional and new terrorism; the historical development of international terrorism; the effect of the end of the Cold War on terrorism; and factors impacting on contemporary terrorism. An analysis of the Al-Qaeda movement was done with respect to its motivation, ideology, transnational character, target selection, operational strategy and tactics, and its desire to use non-conventional weapons. The intention was to identify aspects which may indicate whether the movement serves as a model of the characteristics identified by certain authors as a new terrorism. Case studies of the most important terrorist incidents linked to Al-Qaeda, including the September 11 attacks on the US, are included. The study demonstrates that the nature of terrorism as an instrument to obtain political objectives has evolved but, at the same time, it has retained most of its essential characteristics. An investigation of the characteristics of traditional and new terrorism confirmed this conclusion, as well as that a differentiation between these types of terrorism is mostly a matter of perspective. Another finding of the study is that terrorist campaigns have rarely obtained their strategic goals but that it nevertheless remains a popular strategy aimed at effecting desired political change. The study furthermore confirms that terrorist groups do not operate in a vacuum but are influenced by the existing political, socio-economic and cultural environments. As such the end of the Cold War has caused specific changes in the international system which facilitated the rise of a movement like Al-Qaeda and which enabled it to function at a global level. The usefulness of the study lies in the clarification of the concepts of traditional and new terrorism; its indication of the evolving of motivations and strategies applied by terrorist organisations; and in the findings about the current campaign of the Al-Qaeda movement. Copyright 2007, University of Pretoria. All rights reserved. The copyright in this work vests in the University of Pretoria. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the University of Pretoria. Please cite as follows: Bester, F 2007, New trends in contemporary international and transnational terrorism as manifested in the Al-Qaeda movement, MSS dissertation, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, viewed yymmdd < http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04112008-125925/ > / Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Diploma thesis "NATO in the fight against terrorism and the formation of collective identity" deals with the impact of the threat of international terrorism on collective identity of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The September 11th terrorist attacks on the US soil constitute a milestone in the history of NATO. The article 5 of Washington treaty was invocated for the first time. The main argument of the thesis states that, despite disagreements among allies about the role of the Alliance in the fight against terrorism after the September 11th , NATO was capable of reinforcing its collective identity and reformulating its purpose. The main goal of the thesis is to define a relationship between the perception of the threat of terrorism within NATO and collective identity of NATO, on the basis of arguments of social constructivism and with constructivist methodology. Discourse analysis of key NATO documents confirms the impact of September 11th on the transformation of strategic consideration of the Alliance, which has led to initiation of several efforts to fight terrorism. Outcomes of discourse analysis of United States, United Kingdom, France, Czech Republic and Poland reveal that terrorism has reinforced collective identity among NATO member states and has become a new threat for Alliance...

The thesis analyzes how the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush used force in response to incidents of international terrorism. Key players in each administration and whether they advocated a law enforcement approach or a war paradigm approach to counterterrorism are examined. In addition, Koh¿s pattern of executive initiative, congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance forms a theoretical lens through which to compare and contrast administrations. An assessment of the role of Congress in making the administrations¿ counterterrorism policies confirms the vitality of this pattern, and suggests future administrations will adhere to it. During the George W. Bush administration, Koh¿s pattern of executive initiative (led by personalities like Vice President Cheney), congressional acquiescence, and judicial tolerance combined with the 9/11 tragedy and pervasive fears of another attack to create a ¿perfect storm¿ known as the ¿war on terror¿. The research also analyzes to what extent the four administrations were constrained by international legal norms on the use of force, i.e. articles 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter. On the domestic side, the thesis analyzes the extent to which American legal norms on the use of force constrained the administrations. Although the lack of compelling constraints on the use of force is present in all four administrations, the thesis indicates that the George W. Bush administration embodied an extreme example of this trend.

Cette thèse a pour objectif de démontrer que la lutte contre le terrorisme n’exige pas de mesures arbitraires pour se prémunir et/ou éradiquer un tel phénomène globalisé. Deux notions s’affrontent : le maintien de la paix et la sécurité et les droits de l’homme. Sont-elles compatibles ? La lutte contre le terrorisme doit elle être menée à tout prix ? Nous verrons que le contrôle international/régional des mesures prises par les Etats au sein d’une instance internationale ou individuellement est nécessaire et ce en raison de la globalisation du terrorisme qui impacte toutes les nations. Certains droits sont particulièrement menacés par les diverses mesures anti-terroristes, ainsi que les cadres définis des possibilités ou des interdictions de déroger ou de limiter spécifiquement chacun de ces droits. Ce contrôle va être confié à des organes internationaux/régionaux de statuts différents et disposant de moyens de contrôles différents pour contrôler les mesures des Etats. Ce contrôle va permettre de vérifier si les mesures prises par les Etats sont bien conformes au droit international et notamment que ces mesures ne violent pas ni le droit international des droits de l’homme ni le droit humanitaire.Toutefois, ce contrôle international est limité. En effet, les mesures édictées au niveau international sont prises par les Etats victimes du terrorisme et pour lesquelles un contrôle de légalité semble difficile à envisager. Ce contrôle est limité également en raison de l’objectif primordial de lutte contre le terrorisme existant au sein de chaque organe international et régional visant à ne pas freiner l’action des Etats. Nous verrons ainsi que la portée de ce contrôle reste encore nuancée. / The aim of this work is to prove that the fight against terrorism doesn’t need arbitrary measures to eradicate such a globalised phenomena. Two notions are in conflict: peace keeping and human rights. Are they compatible? Should the fight against terrorism be lead by all means?We will see the the international/regional control of the measures taken by the States is necessary because of the globalisation of terrorism. Rights are threatened by measures undertaken by the States. The control is done by international/regional organs which can take different ways. It checks that the States respect international law and especially International Human rights and Humanitarian Law.Nethertheless, this control is limited because the measures adopted at international level are made by States who are victims of terrorism. The international control of legality is far from being accepted. The control is also limited because of the primary aim of the States which is to fight against terrorism. We will see that the scope of the control is nuanced.

Dans cette thèse, nous questionnons l’impact du terrorisme international et des mesures de sûreté sur le comportement des usagers du réseau de transport aérien mondial. A l’aide d’un modèle économétrique, nous analysons une base de données inédite, AirNetTerror, composée de l’ensemble des vols internationaux à destination des Etats-Unis de 1990 à 2006, et des données du terrorisme international par pays sur cette période. La pertinence de notre travail est double. D’une part, nos interrogations sur les comportements des voyageurs et leurs éventuelles substitutions d’itinéraires en lien avec le terrorisme international n’ont, à notre connaissance, jamais été traitées. D’autre part, en abordant le transport aérien sous l’angle du réseau, nous proposons une vision dynamique des répercussions des comportements des usagers en lien avec la menace terroriste et les mesures de sûreté. En particulier, la prise en compte de la situation de sûreté interdépendante régissant le réseau aérien mondial nous permet de questionner l’existence de failles dans les mesures de sûreté. Nos résultats soulignent l’impact avéré et significatif des événements du terrorisme international, mais aussi des mesures de sûreté sur le réseau de transport aérien mondial. De plus, nous observons localement des substitutions d’itinéraires des voyageurs aériens en lien avec ces phénomènes. Ainsi, l’effet combiné de la menace terroriste internationale et des mesures de sûreté semble être à l’origine de ruptures d’équilibre, certes limitées mais réelles, des flux de passagers du réseau de transport aérien mondial. Notre thèse, parce qu’elle place le comportement du voyageur au centre des interactions stratégiques entre les acteurs de la sûreté et les terroristes, permet d’apporter une vision inédite de l’impact du terrorisme international sur le transport aérien. / In our dissertation, we question the impact of both international terrorism and security measures on the behavior of the users of the global air transportation network. Using an econometric model, we analyze a new database, AirNetTerror, which contains data on all international passenger flows toward the U.S. from 1990 to 2006 as well as the events of international terrorism by country for the same period. The relevance of our research is twofold. On the one hand, our investigation regarding air travelers’ behavior and their possibilities of modifying their itinerary in light of international terrorism has – so far as we know – never been studied. On the other hand, as we analyze passenger flows from the perspective of the network, we propose a dynamic representation of the impact of travelers’ behavior changes related to terrorist threats and security measures. In particular, taking into account the interdependent security that rules the global air transport network, allows us to question the existence of failures in security measures. Our results underline a significant impact of both international terrorist events and security measures. Furthermore, we locally observe itinerary modifications of travelers that are linked to the previous phenomena. Thus, the combined effect of terrorist threats and security measures seems to lead to equilibrium breaks – that are limited but real – in passenger flows of the global air network. Our thesis offers a different representation of the impact of international terrorism on air transport by placing the traveler’s behavior at the center of the strategic interactions between security actors and terrorists.

Orientador: Luis Fernando Ayerbe / Banca: Rafael Duarte Villa / Banca: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com Unesp/Unicamp/ Puc-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo fazer uma análise da política estratégica dos Estados Unidos para a América do Sul, do governo Clinton ao governo Bush. O trabalho versa sobre os principais temas que configuram as abordagens estratégicas norte-americanas para a região, dentro de um contexto mais amplo das mudanças pelas quais passaram a segurança internacional no final da guerra fria. Os Estados Unidos, ao não mais encontrarem no sistema internacional um adversário tradicional ou compatível com seus delineamentos estratégicos, tiveram que redesenhar e redefinir suas prioridades para a segurança nacional. Dessa forma, ameaças transnacionais foram, gradualmente, abordadas como uma das novas prioridades para garantir a segurança nacional do país. Com relação à América do Sul, partindo das estratégias norte-americanas para o Hemisfério Ocidental, os temas elencados nas políticas para a região são: o tráfico de drogas, a promoção da democracia, abertura de mercados, tráfico e produção de drogas, corrupção, lavagem de dinheiro e terrorismo. Estes temas percorreram todos os planejamentos estratégicos do governo Clinton, através de sua agenda multilateral, dentro do contexto da estratégia de Engajamento e Expansão, a qual buscou vincular os países aos temas sensíveis à sua segurança nacional, através de vários encontros Hemisféricos. No caso da América Latina, as Cúpulas das Américas e suas reuniões específicas, como as Reuniões de Ministros de Defesa das Américas, foram meios de se obter esta vinculação política. Estes temas permaneceram presentes no governo George W. Bush, entretanto, a abordagem estratégica para a região enfatizou a possível ligação entre estas questões presentes, como o tráfico de drogas, lavagem de dinheiro e corrupção; ao terrorismo internacional, o qual sobe ao topo das prioridades da política estratégica norte-americana / Abstract: This research aims to analyze the strategic policy of the United States to South America, from the Clinton administration to the Bush administration. This paper discusses major issues that shape strategic approaches within the U.S. for the region within a broader context of changes which came to international security at the end of the Cold War. The United States, which no longer met in the international system a traditional adversary compatible with its strategic designs, had to redesign and redefine its priorities for national security. Thus, transnational threats have been gradually addressed as one of the new priorities to ensure national security of the country. Regarding South America, departing from North American strategies for the Western Hemisphere, the topics listed in the strategic policies for the region are: drug trafficking, maintenance of democracy, open markets, trafficking and drug production, corruption, money laundering and terrorism. These subjects went through all the strategic plans of the Clinton administration, through its multilateral agenda, within the context of the Strategy of Engagement and Expansion, which sought to bind the countries to sensitive issues to its national security through various hemispheric meetings. In the case of Latin America, the Summits of the Americas and its specific meetings such as the Meetings of Ministers of Defense of the Americas were ways to get this linking policy. These themes remained present under the George W. Bush's administration, however, the strategic approach to the region emphasized the possible link between these issues in the region, such as drug trafficking, money laundering and corruption, to international terrorism, which rises to the top of the priorities of US strategic policy / Mestre

The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the Security Council has opened a new avenue for law-making at the international level by adopting resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which create new norms of international law or modify international norms already in force (the normative resolutions). The normative resolutions analyzed in this study pertain to the areas of counterterrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction. The new approach of the Security Council has been examined in light of the Third World Approaches in International law (TWAIL), as well as from the viewpoint of mainstream lawyers. Furthermore, 15 years of State practice relating to the implementation of these normative resolutions has been studied with a view to determining whether subsequent State practice confirms the exercise of a law-making function by the Security Council. Despite some incremental success in promoting international standards in the fight against terrorism, this thesis illustrates that the Security Council has not succeeded in introducing a new viable form of law-making. The Security Council’s authority to exercise such a function is now under serious doubt and its legitimacy questioned, as its normative resolutions were improperly initiated and adopted under the influence of a Permanent Member of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Security Council’s intervention in areas that are already highly regulated runs the risk of contributing to the fragmentation of international law—a phenomenon that undermines the coherence of international law. Currently, the Council’s normative resolutions are facing serious challenges at the implementation stage and several proceedings before national and regional courts have either directly challenged the normative resolutions, or questioned their enforceability. The Security Council is under continued pressure to further revise its practice or potentially face additional challenges before national, regional, and even international courts which may annul or quash relevant implementing measures. Thus, in light of relevant State practice, it is almost inconceivable that the Security Council would repeat its use of normative resolutions as a means of law-making in the future. Nevertheless, the increasing powers of the United Nations Security Council also stimulates an increasing demand to hold the United Nations accountable for the possible wrongful acts of its principal organ, particularly when its decisions harm individuals. It is argued that in the absence of a compulsory judicial mechanism at the international level, non-compliance with the Council’s decisions is the only viable way to challenge the Security Council wrongful acts. Yet, non-complying State or group of States should clearly identify their actions as countermeasures vis-a-vis ultra vires acts of Security Council and seek support from other like-minded States to avoid being declared recalcitrant, which may be followed by Security Council sanctions.

The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.