Denna uppsats prövar empiriskt kapitalstockens och arbetsmarknadens institutioners (AMI) betydelse för arbetslösheten på kort och medellång sikt, utifrån keynesiansk och nykeynesiansk teoribildning. Uppsatsens huvudsakliga keynesianska teoretiska modell utgår ifrån antaganden om att arbetslösheten uppvisar hysteresis/persistens samt att NAIRU bestäms endogent, till exempel utifrån ett antagande om att lönebildningen präglas av ömsesidighet. Phillipskurvan antas vara långsiktigt icke-vertikal. Datamaterialet täcker som mest åren 1960-2010 samt 19 OECD-länder och analyseras bland annat genom OLS, panelkorrigerade standardfel, fixa effekter m.m. Den empiriska analysen indikerar att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant negativt samband mellan reala nettokapitalstockens tillväxttakt och arbetslöshet. Analysen ger inget stabilt stöd för att AMI kan förklara arbetslösheten. Den keynesianska teorin verkar således mer användbar än den nykeynesianska för att förstå variationer i arbetslöshet över tid och mellan länder inom OECD de senaste decennierna.

This research is examines the nuclear arms race that dominated the 20th century, during which the United States manufactured and stockpiled a large number of strategic weapons. Using moral panic theory, the roles of the President of the United States and the media are examined in facilitating public interest in the manufacture of these weapons from 1955-1990. The project uses both time series and historical analyses to determine the extent to which the strategic nuclear weapons crisis was a moral panic created to insure public acceptance of such this massive defense sector expenditure. The time series analysis reveals that the President does have the ability to influence the public via the State of the Union Address, but that influence does not extend strongly to the media. However, what influence the President does have appears to be correlated to the use of substantive rhetoric, and the percentage of the speech dedicated to the issue. Finally, the historical analysis demonstrates that the moral panic moves through three phases. The first phase is characterized by grassroots concern over the technical gap represented by Sputnik 1's launch was utilized by interested actors to accomplish their goals. During the second phase, this concern transformed into an institutional technique utilized for deflecting institutional challenges when the moral panic moved into an interest group model. The final phase occurs during the rise of the "security state", when elites begin using the moral panic to achieve their own ends. / Ph. D.

<p>The economic policy of the Swedish Social Democrats has undergone major changes during the last thirty years. From using a so-called Keynesian policy to promote full employment in the economy, the Social Democrats have switched to a more monetaristic policy to promote low inflation instead. What I intend to do with this study is to see if the policy change also can be noticed in how the party describe their own policy. Have the Social Democrats been open and transparent with their change in priorities, or have they tried to hide this in their rhetoric?</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine if one can notice a change from a Keynesian to a monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. The main research question, which I intend to answer, is: "Is it possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy?"</p><p>I have chosen to study the descriptions found in the financial forecasts, presented by the Social Democrats during their time in government rule between 1970 and 1999. The research method I use is the qualitative text analysis.</p><p>After analyzing the descriptions found in the financial forecasts I present an answer to the main research question: Yes, it is partly possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy.</p><p>I only say partly possible because it is possible to notice the policy change that took place between the 1970s and 1980s, when low inflation was given the same priority as low unemployment. Whereas it is not possible to notice the change that took place between the 1980s and 1990s, when low inflation was given the highest priority, above low unemployment.</p>

This thesis focuses on the changing modes of state intervention into the economy in neoliberalism. It contends that the so called free market is neither a natural process nor an inevitable result of the harmony of interest, but the result of a deliberate political making process. The global economic crisis provided ample evidence to refute the claim that state and market are separately existing and antagonistic entities and indicates that the issue is not the market or the state, since the state in a capitalist society is equally subordinate to capital, simply providing an alternative mode of regulation of capital accumulation. The state has always been essential for &quot / proper&quot / workings of the market, especially for the interests of capital and the neoliberal state is not an exception

Malgré le nombre et la qualité des travaux sur le néolibéralisme, la pensée néolibérale britannique est encore mal connue aujourd’hui, notamment parce qu’elle est souvent ramenée à sa seule dimension négative, telle qu’elle s’exprime par exemple dans le célèbre essai publié en 1944 par Friedrich Hayek, La route de la servitude, où se trouve développée une critique systématique de toutes les formes d’interventionnisme économique. Afin d’enrichir les recherches existantes, nous avons entrepris de dégager la dimension positive de la pensée néolibérale, à partir d’une enquête terminologique sur les définitions que les néolibéraux donnent du mot néolibéralisme et de ses équivalents, comme libertarianisme. Il apparaît que, loin de prôner le laissez-faire communément imputé aux libéraux classiques, les néolibéraux ambitionnent de mettre en ordre les activités marchandes en fixant le cadre juridique du marché, c’est-à-dire en affinant les lois qui règlementent les comportements des agents économiques, au premier rang desquels se trouvent les grandes entreprises. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ce premier néolibéralisme, théorisé durant l’entre-deux-guerres, subit un mouvement de radicalisation doctrinale qui donne naissance à un second néolibéralisme, moins soucieux de circonscrire juridiquement les comportements des agents économiques que de contraindre constitutionnellement ceux des agents politiques, tenus désormais pour uniques responsables des dysfonctionnements du système capitaliste. Au fil du temps, l’édification du cadre constitutionnel de l’État se substitue par conséquent à la construction du cadre juridique du marché. / Although the field of neoliberal studies is rich with diverse and valuable contributions, British neoliberal thought is still little known today, especially since it is often reduced to its negative dimension, as expressed for example in Friedrich Hayek’s famous 1944 essay, The Road to Serfdom, which systematically criticized all forms of economic interventionism. So as to fill this gap in the current state of research, this study sketches out the positive dimension of neoliberalism, starting with a terminological inquiry into the definitions that neoliberals gave of the word neoliberalism and of its equivalents, such as libertarianism. It appears that far from preaching the kind of do-nothing – or laissez-faire – policies commonly ascribed to classical liberals, neoliberals ambitioned to put economic activities in order by setting the legal framework of the market, that is to say by fine-tuning the laws that regulate the behavior of economic agents – first among whom stand corporations. This first neoliberalism, born during the inter-war period, underwent after the Second World War a process of doctrinal radicalization out of which emerged a second neoliberalism, less concerned with legally constraining the behavior of economic agents than with imposing constitutional restraints on the behavior of political agents, who were from then on seen to be the sole cause of all markets disturbances. Over time, creating the legal framework of the market therefore gave way to building the constitutional framework of the state.

Globalisation has long been a debated issue in the political debate and in academia. nevertheless, there is advantages and disadvantages globalisation has led to. Thus, the motive behind this study will examine global collaborations, particularly the Trade Agreement and its global organisations and who is responsible for its regulation. The survey will find answers to the questions posed, which are following: How can geo-economic / political tools affect international trading systems particularly Washington-Consensus and Bretton-Wood’s system? What are the challenges to maintaining an open globalised world?  The research design for this study was based on an explanatory qualitative theory-as case study of the UN Trade Agreements with member countries of the IMF, WTO, and WB. The Theoretical referendums applied are based on liberalism and Steger's dimensions of globalisation, including political, economic and cultural dimensions. The results showed a significant correlation how political strategies can affect the economic and other dimensions of globalisation. The study has observed economic models, where it was found that self-regulatory economic systems is not sufficient to generate wealth in the world. Hence, many cases it may be necessary to supplement the financial management to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. The results showed that challenges from globalisation are highly tough and to some extent even necessary for the existence of humanity. furthermore, the study emphasises the importance of a globally functioning system, to save the planet, humans and create sustainable stable globalisation that generates everyone's prosperity without injustice.

The economic policy of the Swedish Social Democrats has undergone major changes during the last thirty years. From using a so-called Keynesian policy to promote full employment in the economy, the Social Democrats have switched to a more monetaristic policy to promote low inflation instead. What I intend to do with this study is to see if the policy change also can be noticed in how the party describe their own policy. Have the Social Democrats been open and transparent with their change in priorities, or have they tried to hide this in their rhetoric? The purpose of this thesis is to examine if one can notice a change from a Keynesian to a monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. The main research question, which I intend to answer, is: "Is it possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy?" I have chosen to study the descriptions found in the financial forecasts, presented by the Social Democrats during their time in government rule between 1970 and 1999. The research method I use is the qualitative text analysis. After analyzing the descriptions found in the financial forecasts I present an answer to the main research question: Yes, it is partly possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. I only say partly possible because it is possible to notice the policy change that took place between the 1970s and 1980s, when low inflation was given the same priority as low unemployment. Whereas it is not possible to notice the change that took place between the 1980s and 1990s, when low inflation was given the highest priority, above low unemployment.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise analyse les influences transnationales qui ont mené à la nationalisation de l’électricité au Québec. En contraste avec les précédentes études sur Hydro-Québec voulant que les incitatifs locaux fussent la source exclusive de la nationalisation de l’électricité au Québec, cette recherche vient démontrer que les idées transnationales ont été tout aussi influentes. Tout au long du récit, on voit que la conjoncture politico-économique de refonte du libéralisme économique classique vers une version plus keynésienne de l’économie occidentale a été un stimulant de première importance pour la nationalisation de l’électricité au Québec. Dans le premier chapitre sont détaillées les nationalisations d’électricité de l’Ontario, de la Vallée du Tennessee et de la France, ainsi que les relations qu’elles ont eues entre elles et avec le Québec. Dans un second temps, il est démontré que l’étatisation de l’électricité en Ontario au début du XXe siècle et celle de la Vallée du Tennessee durant la crise économique des années 1930 ont été des incitatifs majeurs pour le projet menant à la nationalisation de la Montreal Light Heat & Power en 1944. Enfin, dans le troisième chapitre, ce sont les influences venant des nationalisations d’électricité étasunienne, ontarienne et française sur la nationalisation de l’ensemble des compagnies d’électricité québécoises de 1963 qui sont analysées. / This thesis explores the transnational forces that led to the nationalization of electricity in Quebec. In opposition to the traditional narrative that sees the nationalization in Quebec as a product of the local incentives, we look at the transnational ideas that were as important for the realization of the project. Throughout the text, we see that the Keynesian context that led western states to be more interventionist in the economy was a major influence on the nationalization of electricity in Quebec. In the first chapter, we detail the nationalization of electricity in Ontario, in the Tennessee Valley and in France, and the links between them and with Quebec. Secondly, we show that the nationalization of electricity in Ontario in 1906 and in the Tennessee Valley in 1933 were key for the nationalization of the Montreal Light Heat & Power in 1944. Finally, the third chapter explores how the nationalisation of electricity in Ontario, United States and France were influential on the nationalization of all the electric companies in Quebec in 1963.

This thesis investigates which factors affecting savings behavior by using a fixed effect regression model. To see what affects the household savings rate the following independent variables is considered: Natural logarithm of trend per capita income, natural logarithm of deviation from trend per capita income, growth of disposable income, real interest rate, inflation, wealth in relation to household disposable income, foreign savings in relation to disposable income, dependency ratio and human development index. To see whether changes of human development within a county impacts the household´s savings ratio this variables was included in a separate regression. To avoid possible biasedness from ordinary least square, a panel data technique called fixed effect regression model is used. The investigated time period is between year 1999 and 2016 and to make a restriction, variables from 25 developed countries were studied. The involved economic theories in this work are Keynesianism, permanent income hypothesis and the savings theory behind Maslow´s behavioral pyramid. The result made by using this study is that growth in income and foreign savings in relation to disposable income is insignificant and can´t be used in explaining the differences between household´s savings. Human development index within a country has a negative effect on the savings ratio but a conclusion regarding whether changes in HDI´s does affect savings can´t be made and more research within that field is needed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felicio Oshiro.pdf: 1225068 bytes, checksum: 3c29701b7fb1a3546d50181285ab92c7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-19 / This study aims to analyze the visions of unemployment in contemporary society. Firstly, it approaches the look of Neoclassical, Keynesian and Marxist about the causes of unemployment and its role in capitalism. Next, based on the thought of Robert Castel, Jérôme Gautié and Christian Topalov, it analyzes the construction of the unemployed category, emphasizing the place of work without the pre-industrial and industrial society. The third part discusses the concept of unemployment in labor statistics by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), the Inter-Union Department of Statistics and Socio-Economic Studies (DIEESE) and Foundation System State Data Analysis (SEADE). These views influence social protection, economic policy, responsibility by unemployment, the way to use the technological advances, also in safety and working conditions of employees. This dissertation inquires about the construction of the unemployment rates, the comparability and the risk of reducing a complex phenomenon to a measure. In addiction this study presents the Castel s concern about the precariousness of employment in a society that was based on the wage relation. Finally, this text suggested that the visions are not neutral and represent the interests of social forces, demanding reflection even when the indices indicate "low unemployment" / Este estudo tem por objetivo analisar o desemprego no olhar da sociedade contemporânea. Inicialmente, aborda-se a visão dos pensamentos neoclássico, keynesiano e marxista sobre as causas do desemprego e seu papel no capitalismo. A seguir, baseado no pensamento de Robert Castel, Jérôme Gautié e Christian Topalov, analisa-se a construção da categoria desempregado, enfatizando-se o lugar do sem trabalho na sociedade pré-industrial e industrial. Na terceira parte, discute-se o conceito de desemprego nas estatísticas do trabalho, pela Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), pelo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), pelo Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e Estudos Socioeconômicos (DIEESE) e pela Fundação Sistema Estadual de Análise de Dados (SEADE). Todas as visões citadas influenciam as proteções sociais, a política econômica, a responsabilização pelo desemprego, a maneira de utilizar os avanços tecnológicos, além da segurança e das condições de trabalho dos empregados. A dissertação indaga sobre a construção dos índices de desemprego, sua comparabilidade e o risco de reduzir um fenômeno complexo a uma medida. Apresenta a preocupação de Castel sobre a precarização dos empregos em uma sociedade que foi alicerçada sobre a relação salarial. Por fim, sugere que as visões não são neutras e representam interesses de forças sociais, merecendo reflexões mesmo quando os índices apontam desemprego baixo