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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966) / A testing ground for the African revolution : Nkrumah's Ghana and the franco-African sphere (1945-1966)

Boyer, Antoine de 13 December 2017 (has links)
A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et français. / Following the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied.
2

[en] RIGHT OF SELF-DETERMINATION IN THE WORK OF KWAME NKRUMAH IN THE DECADES OF 1940 AND 1960 / [pt] DIREITO DE AUTODETERMINAÇÃO NAS OBRAS DE KWAME NKRUMAH ENTRE AS DÉCADAS DE 1940 E 1960

ANA CAROLINA CAVALCANTI DE MEDEIROS 12 December 2017 (has links)
[pt] Esse trabalho visa compreender como a ideia de direito de autodeterminação foi mobilizada nas obras de Kwame Nkrumah, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960. Considera-se que o autor fez uso de uma linguagem de direitos disponível ao longo do século XX e, ao priorizar a noção de direito de autodeterminação, conferiu a essa um sentido específico de crítica à colonização e reivindicação de independência para o continente africano. Problematiza-se os significados atribuídos por Nkrumah ao direito de autodeterminação a partir da consideração que essa linguagem de direitos estava em circulação e fora mobilizada por outros grupos pan-africanos e organizações internacionais como a ONU. Nesse sentido, também são analisados a Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, as Resoluções Finais do Congresso de Manchester, as Resoluções Finais da Conferência de Bandung, a Declaração de Concessão de Independência para os países e povos Coloniais, o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos e o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais. / [en] This work seeks to understand how the idea of right of self-determination was mobilized in the works of Kwame Nkrumah, between the decades of 1940 and 1960. It is acknowledge that this author made use of a language of rights available through the twentieth century and prioritized the notion of self-determination to criticize the colonization and to claim independence for the African continent. The meanings attributed to the notion of self-determination by Nkrumah are discussed considering that this language of rights were in circulation and had been mobilized by other pan-African groups and international organizations such as UN. So, during this work, it is also analyzed the documents: Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, Final Resolutions of Congress of Manchester, Final Communiqué of Afro-Asian Conference of Bandung, International Convention on civil and political rights, International Convention on economic, social and cultural rights.
3

Symbol of Modernity: Ghana, African Americans, and the Eisenhower Administration

Grimm, Kevin E. 25 July 2012 (has links)
No description available.
4

The Human Color: Rooting Black Ideology in Human Rights, a Historical Analysis of a Political Identity

Reed, Milan 01 January 2011 (has links)
In the 20th century the relationship between African-Americans and Africa grew into a prominent subject in the lives and perspectives of people who claim Africanheritage because almost every facet of American life distinguished people based on skin color. The prevailing discourse of the day said that the way a person looked was deeply to who they were.1 People with dark skin were associated with Africa, and the notion of this connection has survived to this day. Scholars such as Molefi Kete Asante point to cultural retentions as evidence of the enduring connection between African-Americans and Africa, while any person could look to the shade of their skin as an indication of their African origins. In either case, something seems to always hearken back to Africa. However, in this modern world there is a gap between Africans and African Americans: African-Americans have achieved some great milestones in terms of liberty and equality, while many people living on the African continent still suffer poverty, political disenfranchisement, and precluded liberties. African-Americans have made great strides in dealing with these problems at home, but it is clear that they are on the whole better off than their African counterparts. The lectures and writings of W.E.B. Dubois, Malcolm X, and Kwame Nkrumah reveal that the linkages between African-Americans and Africans are political in nature and therefore do not rest solely on connections of culture or color, but on the shared struggle to achieve the unalienable rights guaranteed to all people.
5

Klimatkolonialism / Climate Colonialism

Lindholm, Josefine January 2023 (has links)
Climate colonialism is a form of neo-colonialism that turns climate actions into colonial behaviour, this is especially true when the focus is on indigenous peoples. The republic of Marshall Islands is under threat of disappearing because of climate change and even though they want to fight it the United States prefer that they be removed from their homelands. In the Oaxaca region of Mexico, the native population are manipulated or forced to move from their lands because of the growing wind power industry and in Sweden the state has given a questionable greenlight to a company to start building a mine in the middle of the sami-landscape. This thesis argues that all these situations are a form of climate colonialism and follows the theory of neo-colonialism to understand how climate colonialism functions.
6

An “empire” without imperialism? A study of the Soviet-colonial dialectic from the October Revolution to its defeat

Strandlund, Tyson Riel 22 October 2021 (has links)
An analysis of Soviet history and political thought in the context of imperialism and colonialism This study attempts to clarify problems with dominant liberal narratives and historiography relating to the Soviet Union, particularly relating to questions of empire and colonialism, and instead platforms Third World Marxists and other anti-imperialist scholars and revolutionaries whose views have been effectively sidelined and stifled. By tracing the history of political thought around these questions from pre-revolutionary Marxists through to Cold War era anti-colonial and pan-African scholars and revolutionaries alongside developments in the dynamic and forms of imperialism, and by situating anti-colonial nationalisms in the context of worldmaking rather than state building, this text aims to contribute to analyses of Soviet policy and its relationship to the global history of decolonisation in the 20th Century. This work identifies serious theoretical and ideological deficiencies in existing literature and concludes that concise definitions of imperialism and empire such as those used by V.I. Lenin and Kwame Nkrumah are not consistent with commonly held beliefs about the role played by the Soviet Union in the history of anti-colonial and national liberation movements. Western liberal literature on this subject has suffered significantly as a result of political and ideological prejudices stemming directly from the US Cold War victory and psychological warfare campaigns targeting communist and anti-colonial movements to this end. My research indicates that misidentification and misuse of terms relating to empire and colonialism pose serious obstacles and risks to present and future efforts geared towards global peace and equality which add urgency to the correction of mistakes both in scholarly and popular historical, political, and cultural approaches to interpretations of Soviet history. / Graduate

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