This paper examines the political participation of diaspora representatives in Tunisia’s politicalparties with affiliations to the Tunisian labor movement. The study is based on qualitativeinterviews with active politicians and other stakeholders in Tunis as well as participatoryobservations. The findings point towards decreased political participation among the diaspora,although their engagement during the years following the revolution of 2011 can be considered tohave been relatively high. The diminishing participation of the diaspora seems to be part of alarger trend that can explained by the fluid and rather underdeveloped system of political partiesthat has created difficulties in forming an efficient opposition, which has given rise to politicalapathy that has been efficiently exploited by anti-democratic candidates in Tunisia.

A study of the labor policy of the Ford motor company at Dallas, Texas.

O presente trabalho compôs a trajetória de Fernando Ferrari no período em que o político atuou no Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB), de 1945 a 1960. Partindo da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu, buscou-se elucidar os espaços de atuação de Ferrari, sua relação com outros agentes políticos, o processo de acumulação de capital e os recursos com os quais contou para a luta interna no seu partido, que teve como desfecho a cisão partidária e a criação do Movimento Trabalhista Renovador (MTR). Paralelamente, abordaram-se as contribuições de Fernando Ferrari para a conformação do PTB. As fontes utilizadas foram os periódicos de grande circulação da época Correio do Povo e Diário de Notícias, os Anais da Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul, os Diários da Câmara dos Deputados, o arquivo pessoal e ainda o material de caráter memorialístico – biografias e autobiografias – do político. / This study addressed the trajectory of Fernando Ferrari in the period in which this political was part of Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) [Brazilian Labor Party], from 1945 to 1960. Based on the theory of the political field developed by Pierre Bourdieu, we sought to clarify spaces where Ferrari performed, his relationship with other political agents, the process to accumulate capital, and the resources he used in the internal strife in his party, whose outcome was the party split and the creation of Movimento Trabalhista Renovador (MTR) [Renewing Labor Movement]. At the same time, we approached Fernando Ferrari’s contributions to the shaping of PTB. The sources for this study were mass-circulation newspapers of the time, Correio do Povo and Diário de Notícias, the proceedings of the Legisture of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the journals of the Brazilian House of Representatives, and the politician’s personnel archive and also his memoirist materials – biographies and autobiographies.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-277).

O presente trabalho compôs a trajetória de Fernando Ferrari no período em que o político atuou no Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB), de 1945 a 1960. Partindo da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu, buscou-se elucidar os espaços de atuação de Ferrari, sua relação com outros agentes políticos, o processo de acumulação de capital e os recursos com os quais contou para a luta interna no seu partido, que teve como desfecho a cisão partidária e a criação do Movimento Trabalhista Renovador (MTR). Paralelamente, abordaram-se as contribuições de Fernando Ferrari para a conformação do PTB. As fontes utilizadas foram os periódicos de grande circulação da época Correio do Povo e Diário de Notícias, os Anais da Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul, os Diários da Câmara dos Deputados, o arquivo pessoal e ainda o material de caráter memorialístico – biografias e autobiografias – do político. / This study addressed the trajectory of Fernando Ferrari in the period in which this political was part of Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) [Brazilian Labor Party], from 1945 to 1960. Based on the theory of the political field developed by Pierre Bourdieu, we sought to clarify spaces where Ferrari performed, his relationship with other political agents, the process to accumulate capital, and the resources he used in the internal strife in his party, whose outcome was the party split and the creation of Movimento Trabalhista Renovador (MTR) [Renewing Labor Movement]. At the same time, we approached Fernando Ferrari’s contributions to the shaping of PTB. The sources for this study were mass-circulation newspapers of the time, Correio do Povo and Diário de Notícias, the proceedings of the Legisture of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the journals of the Brazilian House of Representatives, and the politician’s personnel archive and also his memoirist materials – biographies and autobiographies.

O presente trabalho compôs a trajetória de Fernando Ferrari no período em que o político atuou no Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB), de 1945 a 1960. Partindo da teoria do campo político desenvolvida por Pierre Bourdieu, buscou-se elucidar os espaços de atuação de Ferrari, sua relação com outros agentes políticos, o processo de acumulação de capital e os recursos com os quais contou para a luta interna no seu partido, que teve como desfecho a cisão partidária e a criação do Movimento Trabalhista Renovador (MTR). Paralelamente, abordaram-se as contribuições de Fernando Ferrari para a conformação do PTB. As fontes utilizadas foram os periódicos de grande circulação da época Correio do Povo e Diário de Notícias, os Anais da Assembleia Legislativa do Rio Grande do Sul, os Diários da Câmara dos Deputados, o arquivo pessoal e ainda o material de caráter memorialístico – biografias e autobiografias – do político. / This study addressed the trajectory of Fernando Ferrari in the period in which this political was part of Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) [Brazilian Labor Party], from 1945 to 1960. Based on the theory of the political field developed by Pierre Bourdieu, we sought to clarify spaces where Ferrari performed, his relationship with other political agents, the process to accumulate capital, and the resources he used in the internal strife in his party, whose outcome was the party split and the creation of Movimento Trabalhista Renovador (MTR) [Renewing Labor Movement]. At the same time, we approached Fernando Ferrari’s contributions to the shaping of PTB. The sources for this study were mass-circulation newspapers of the time, Correio do Povo and Diário de Notícias, the proceedings of the Legisture of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the journals of the Brazilian House of Representatives, and the politician’s personnel archive and also his memoirist materials – biographies and autobiographies.

This study investigates some factors involved in the genesis of political deviance by regarding established values and norms as major sources of deviant behavior. Important kinds of political deviance in North American society are seen as emerging from a cleavage in perspective which originates in the different social backgrounds of elites and non-elite groups. 'Elites' are groups of individuals who hold positions at the apex of the various institutions, and who can appreciably influence the life chances of others. The term 'non-elite groups' refers to those groups of persons who have no such prerogative. Existing standards of behavior are taken as a point of departure by regarding them as alienating conditions from the viewpoint of some non-elite members of society. Such non-elite estrangement from existing values and norms may result in protest which, in a given circumstance, officialdom may define as deviant conduct. In order to dissolve the challenge which this deviance signifies to commonly accepted standards the authorities may react to it by the enacting and/or application of rules. The types of devices the authorities will apply to control the deviant conduct depend upon the conditions they perceive as motivating it. Two social conditions are here assumed to be frequent sources of alienation and, ultimately, deviance. One such condition has its origin in the man-work relationship and can be described in terms of the orthodox Marxian notion of alienation from work. Another condition refers to the total disenchantment of a group of individuals with established values and norms. These assumptions suggest the interrelation of the three major sociological concepts of alienation, deviance and social control in order to demonstrate that the phenomena represented by them manifest themselves in a temporal sequence that is integral to the process of becoming deviant. This theoretical outline guided the sociological interpretation of historical materials that encompass some of the activities engaged in by radical labor movements in North America during the post-World War I and II periods. Documents from Labor, business and government sources were introduced as the data. The study confirms an often-made assumption that political deviance and possibly other forms of deviance emanate from a cleavage in perspective that arises from the different social experiences common to elites and non-elite groups. Where such cleavage is appreciable, the authorities frequently perceive Labor's conduct as motivated by a Communist conspiracy that aims at the replacement of existing standards with the objectives of the "co-operative commonwealth". Where this cleavage is less pronounced, the authorities perceive some groups of individuals as disaffected from the work role. A comparison of the U.S. and Canadian perspectives of the events examined generally reveals only minor differences between the U.S. and Canadian Labor Movements. These differences are here regarded as resulting from the evolution of the North American Trade Union Movement itself. No important differences are found to exist between the perspectives of these incidents by the U.S. and Canadian authorities in the two historical periods examined. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

賀江楓. / "2013年8月". / "2013 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-339). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / He Jiangfeng.

James Connolly (1868-1916), Socialist leader, labour union organiser and Irish Republican general, pursued an active career of over thirtyfive years duration in left-wing politics during the period of the Second International. During this time, he played an influential role in the Social Democratic and Labour movements in Ireland, Scotland and the United States. This stuy examines his relationships with the activists and organisations of left-wing labour in Scotland in the period 1890-1916 and moreover, seeks to establish his significance as a "Marxian Syndicalist"; an activist working in a Marxist tradition distinct from both the state socialism of the Social Democratic International and the Marxism - Leninism of the Comintern. Connolly's formative years in the Social Democratic and labour movements of his native Edinburgh (1890-96) are examined in some detail, and an attempt is made to delineate some characteristics both of the mainstream of British Marxism and of the uniqueness of the situation in Edinburgh, which were important for his personal development. Subsequently, his importance in the secession of the Scottish 'impossibilist' faction from the all-British Marxist movement in 1902-3 is analysed. At this point, there is some emphasis on the theories of the Alrerican Marxist, Daniel De Leon, and of their importance both in Connolly's further theoretical development and of the Scottish Left generally. The American contribution to Connolly's thought - and his mature response to it - is then followed up, some consideration being given to his work in the American socialist movement in 1903-10. In the light of this experience, Connolly's further influence on Scottish leftwing labour in the period 1910-15 is traced; particular emphasis is laid on the Syndicalist elements in his thought and on the Scottish responses to it. Finally, there is some discussion of the relationship between the themes of Nationalism, Marxism and Syndicalism within the history of the Scottish Left in the period 1890-1920, and the concrete failure of Marxism within the Scottish working class movement is assessed against the background of the manifest advances of the nontheoretical parliamentary Labour Party.

published_or_final_version / abstract / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy