presente pesquisa objetiva analisar as motivações estratégicas inerentes às denúncias de compra de votos na dinâmica eleitoral brasileira, a partir da análise das denúncias apresentadas à Justiça Eleitoral nas eleições municipais de 2012 em São Paulo. Para tanto, a dissertação se divide em quatro partes, a saber: (1) discussão sobre o contexto histórico da criação da Lei Contra a corrupção eleitoral (Lei nº 9.840/1999); (2) breve revisão bibliográfica do conceito de compra de votos e análise da literatura sobre o tema no Brasil; (3) análise das características das denúncias de compra de votos apresentadas à Justiça Eleitoral nas eleições municipais paulistas de 2012, com ênfase na caracterização dos atores candidatos e partidos, da prática tipo de benesses oferecidas, outros crimes eleitorais praticados e dos resultados dos processos judiciais; (4) análise das motivações estratégicas inerentes às denúncias de compra de votos, a partir da análise de dados de competição eleitoral local e características socioeconômicas dos municípios. Pretende-se demonstrar na presente pesquisa que a incidência de denúncias de compra de votos na realidade política brasileira está vinculada fortemente à dinâmica da competição eleitoral local, e não necessariamente na real incidência da prática ilícita, se configurando, portanto, como uma ferramenta na disputa eleitoral. / This research aims to analyze the strategic motivations for vote-buying allegations in the Brazilian electoral competition, based on the analysis of denunciations made to the Electoral Court in the 2012 municipal elections of São Paulo, Brazil. Therefore, the dissertation is divided into four parts, namely: (1) discussion of the historical context of the creation of the law \"Against electoral corruption\" (Law nº 9.840/1999); (2) literature review of the concept of vote-buying and analysis of the literature on the subject in Brazil; (3) analysis of the characteristics of vote-buying complaints to the Electoral Court in the São Paulo municipal elections of 2012, with emphasis on characterization of the actors - candidates and parties, practice - kind of handouts offered, other electoral crimes - and results of court proceedings; (4) analysis of the strategic motivations for vote-buying allegations, from the data of local electoral competition and socioeconomic characteristics of the municipalities. The intent is to demonstrate that the incidence of vote-buying allegations in the Brazilian political reality is strongly linked to the dynamics of the local electoral competition, configured so as a tool in the electoral running, and not necessarily linked with the real occurrence of the illicit practice.

This diploma thesis traces the development of the Capital City of Prague`s regional and municipal governmental bodies from 1918 to 1960. The work consists of five main chapters. The first chapter outlines the state of Prague`s municipality prior to 1918. The second chapter spans from 1918 (the birth of Czechoslovakia) to 1938 and the signing of the Munich Agreement. The third chapter covers the period of the Nazi occupation. The fourth chapter draws focus to the post-war developments in Czechoslovakia. The final chapter depicts the processes of public administration during the communist totalitarianism between 1948 and 1960. The objective of diploma thesis is describe important events in development of Capital City of Prague. The work also pays attention to individual representatives of Prague`s municipal politics. Key words: local governance- municipal governance- Primátor (Mayor)- Prague- municipal elections- City Hall-

The thesis focuses on the use of political marketing by the political party TOP 09 during the municipal elections in 2010. This chosen topic explores issues that have not been covered by the Czech political research yet. The thesis is mostly based on the theoretical concepts of Lees-Marshment and Bruce Newman. The research surmised that the political party TOP 09 had implemented political marketing techniques during the last municipal elections, and it might be considered, as described by Lees-Marshment model, as a market-oriented party. The thesis uses qualitative research methods. Its second part comprises of two case studies on the municipal campaigns of TOP 09 in the cities of Olomouc and Prague: the empirical evidence reviews campaign strategy, electoral programme, election polls, relations to the other candidate parties, media coverage, campaign organization, internal marketing and (last but not least) campaign financing. The thesis comes to conclusions that TOP 09 was using political marketing on municipal level, but still there are differences in the extent of its usage. While the Prague party organization behaved as a market-oriented one, the Olomouc regional organization might be described as a sales-oriented party.

De 1919 à 1939, les municipalités rémoises sont marquées par la domination des radicaux, alliés d'abord à la SFIO puis ensuite à la droite et largement dominées par la personnalité de Paul Marchandeau. Après 1945, la situation apparaît beaucoup plus fluctuante. De 1945 à 1959 on a affaire à des municipalités fragiles qui voient se succéder à leur tête successivement un communiste, un RPF, un radical et deux MRP. C’est là le résultat cumulé du scrutin proportionnel et de l’isolement du PCF qui fait que les majorités ne peuvent se constituer qu’entre les partis non communistes aux rivalités incessantes. Mais les municipalités, ce sont aussi des individus. Deux générations d’édiles peuvent être individualisées. Celle de l’entre-deux-guerres qui vieillit progressivement en fonctions, sans se renouveler, et celle de la Quatrième République qui connaît un renouvellement plus important et apparaît davantage en phase avec la société rémoise des années 1950. / From 1919 to 1939, the municipalities of Reims were marked by the domination of radical party allied to the SFIO and then to the right and largely dominated by the personality of Paul Marchandeau. After 1945 the situation appeared much more variable. From 1945 to 1959 we are dealing with fragile municipalities headed successively by a communist, an RPF, a radical and two members of MRP. This is the cumulative result of proportional representation and isolation of the FPC which led to the fact that majorities could be formed only between the non-communist parties in which was incessant rivalry.. But municipalities are represented by individuals. Two generations of councilors can be individualized. The one that was in office between the two world wars who remained in office without any significant change and the one of the Fourth Republic, who experienced a larger renewal and appeared to be more in line with the Reims society of the time.

Diploma Thesis "Analysis of Czech dailies' content in relation to political parties during election campaign before municipal elections in Prague" presupposes that media and politics influence each other very strongly. In the theoretical part it first presents the media's role in society and describes the journalists' role evolution. Using the concept of mediatization it explains the media and political logic(s) inter-relation. In the next chapter it presents the historical development of political communication with regards to its ongoing transformation. After that it explains several concepts that are used when describing this process. Particularly it presents the concept of personalization and describes its two forms followed by definitions and critical evaluation of the concepts. In the empirical part it first presents the parties, dailies and municipal elections in the Czech Republic. Using the research method of quantitative content analysis it tries to find out the amount of attention/space that parties and candidates got in the newspapers during eleven weeks before the municipal elections in Prague in 2010. As a second step it tries to find out the level of personalization and its pre-defined forms. In the final part it presents the results and suggests possible extensions of the research.

Political Finance Reform and Public Procurement:  Evidence from Lithuania. Can political donations buy influence? This paper studies whether firms trade political contributions for public procurement contracts. To answer this question, I focus on the Lithuanian political economy. Combining data on a large number of government tenders, the universe of corporate donors and firm characteristics, I examine how a ban on corporate donations affects the awarding of procurement contracts to companies that donated in the past. Consistent with political favoritism, contributing firms’ probability of winning goes down by five percentage points as compared to that of non-donor firms after the ban. Among different mechanisms, the hypothesis that corporate donors get confidential information on competing bids prevails. The empirical results are in line with predictions from a first-price sealed-bid auction model with one informed bidder. Evidence on firm bidding and victory margins suggests that contributing firms adjust their bids in order to secure contracts at a maximum revenue. I assess that tax payers save almost one percent of GDP thanks to the reform. Gender Quotas and the Quality of Politicians. We analyze the effects of the introduction of gender quotas in candidate lists on the quality of elected politicians, as measured by the average number of years of education. We consider an Italian law which introduced gender quotas in local elections in 1993, and was abolished in 1995. As not all municipalities went through elections during this period, we identify two groups of municipalities and use a difference-in-differences estimation. We find that gender quotas are associated with an increase in the quality of elected politicians, with the effect ranging from 0.12 to 0.24 years of education. This effect is due not only to the higher number of elected women, who are on average more educated than men, but also to the lower number of low-educated elected men. The positive effect on quality is confirmed when we measure the latter with alternative indicators, it persists in the long run and it is robust to controlling for political ideology and political competition. Affirmative Action and the Power of the Elderly. There is evidence that age matters in politics. In this article we study whether implementation of affirmative action policies on gender can generate additional effects on an alternative dimension of representation, namely, the age of politicians. We consider an Italian law which introduced gender quotas in candidate lists for local elections in 1993, and was abolished in 1995. As not all municipalities went through elections during this period, we can identify two groups of municipalities and use a difference-in-differences estimation to analyze the effect of gender quotas on the age of elected politicians. We find that gender quotas are associated with election of politicians that are younger by more than one year. The effect occurs mainly due to the reduction in age of elected male politicians and is consistent with the optimizing behavior of parties or of voters. Let the Voters Choose Women. Female under-representation in politics can be the result of parties' selection of candidates and/or of voters’ electoral preferences. To assess the impact of these two channels, we exploit the introduction of Italian Law 215/2013, which prescribes both gender quotas on candidate lists and double preference voting conditioned on gender. Using a regression discontinuity design, we estimate that the law increases the share of elected female politicians by 22 percentage points. The result is driven by the increase in preference votes cast for female candidates, suggesting a salient role of double preference voting in promoting female empowerment in politics.

A Ciência Política no Brasil tem se preocupado, nos últimos anos, em compreender o comportamento dos partidos surgidos após o período de redemocratização. Dentre as possíveis variáveis capazes de servir para explicar o fenômeno estão as coligações eleitorais, ainda pouco exploradas nos estudos. O objetivo dessa tese é compreender a existência de uma lógica capaz de explicar o comportamento das legendas em seus acordos para a disputa de prefeituras em 2000 e 2004. O universo pesquisado compreende os cerca de 5.560 municípios brasileiros e mais de treze mil candidaturas por ano, onde serão destacados os dez principais partidos brasileiros - PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. Parte-se da hipótese central de que existem variáveis capazes de explicar parte significativa desse ordenamento. Para tanto, realizam-se duas análises cuidadosas: da bibliografia e das questões institucionais. Nessa primeira parte destacam-se os estudos brasileiros sobre as coligações, desenvolvidos a partir do período da redemocratização dos anos 80, e as considerações de dois teóricos dos partidos políticos e suas considerações sobre as alianças: Maurice Duverger e Ângelo Panebianco. Na segunda parte os esforços se concentram na análise das leis que orientam a celebração de acordos eleitorais e os estatutos dos partidos selecionados, uma vez que o quadro institucional do país torna as legendas relativamente livres para a celebração de suas coligações. As duas últimas partes do trabalho se concentram em investigar se o comportamento dos partidos nos seus acordos em eleições majoritárias municipais tem relação com aspectos ideológicos e governamentais no plano federal ou com aspectos ligados ao alinhamento das legendas em cada estado, com destaque para a relação situação x oposição em torno da forte figura do governador. A conclusão caminha no sentido de aceitar esse segundo ambiente. Os partidos se organizam nos estados, e tal questão tem reflexo sobre as eleições municipais. / Brazilian political science has occupied itself for the last few years with analyzing the behavior of political parties. One of the variables that has some explanation power, and as of yet underrated in the field, are pre-electoral coalitions. This PhD thesis aims to check if there is a logic behind the main parties behavior regarding pre-electoral coalitions for mayorships in the elections of 2000 and 2004. Over 5,560 cities and 13,000 candidacies are analyzed and the parties studied are Brazil\'s ten main political parties: PP(B), PFL, PL, PTB, PMDB, PSDB, PPS, PDT, PSB e PT. We depart from the notion that there are many relevant variables that can explain why certain parties enter coalitions with others. For starters, we review the sparse literature regarding pre-electoral coalitions worldwide and specifically in Brazil and the work of two great political scientists: Maurice Duverger and Angelo Panebianco. Then we analyze the ten parties statutes to see how they regard the issue, since federal electoral laws are relatively permissive. The two last chapters investigate if pre-electoral coalitions in municipal elections are related to ideological and coalitional matters at the federal level or at the state level. The data show that the parties tend to organize themselves according to the governor\'s political position.

Este trabalho busca analisar a trajetória do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nas eleições para prefeito de São Paulo no período de 1996 a 2012, tendo como foco seu desempenho nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos do eleitorado paulistano. Ao longo das eleições municipais disputadas, o partido cresceu e assumiu a posição de principal protagonista nas disputas, vencendo em 2000 e 2012. Entretanto, a consolidação desse crescimento não se manifestou de maneira uniforme nos diversos estratos socioeconômicos da cidade. A hipótese sugerida é a de que houve mudanças significativas no perfil do eleitorado petista. A partir da análise da literatura sobre o comportamento eleitoral na cidade, procurou-se reconstituir as características iniciais do eleitor do PT, a fim de verificar quais eram seus principais aspectos. Para essa análise, foram utilizados os dados dos surveys eleitorais das eleições paulistanas de 1996 a 2012 e, para verificar a existência de padrões geográficos na votação da agremiação nos distritos da cidade, foi empregada a técnica de análise espacial. Com isso, foi possível observar que: (1) nas primeiras eleições disputadas, o PT apresentava uma base popular, embora de pouca expressão, localizada geograficamente em uma região especifica: os distritos próximos ao ABC paulista; (2) houve mudanças na composição da base eleitoral do PT a partir das eleições de 2000, passando de um partido com um perfil de classe média (de 1985 a 2000) para um partido com apelo mais popular (de 2004 em diante). Se até então o voto petista estava localizado em uma periferia geográfica determinada da cidade, ele passa a acompanhar essa transformação, ganhando expressão na periferia socioeconômica do eleitorado paulistano. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the trajectory of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) in the municipal elections for the post of Mayor of the city of São Paulo over the period comprising the years between 1996 and 2012 and it focuses on the partys performance with regard to the various socio-economic strata in São Paulo citys electoral roll. In the course of the municipal elections held over that period, the party was able to expand to the point of reaching the position of main protagonist in election fights, beating its opponents both in 2000 and 2012. Nevertheless, consolidation of such growth has not taken place in a uniform manner concerning the citys various socioeconomic strata. The hypothesis investigated herein is that there have been significant changes in the profile of PT voters. Departing from careful analysis of the available literature on the citys electoral behavior, one has sought to reconstruct the initial characteristics of PT voters so as to obtain their main features. So as to draw up this analysis, data from electoral survey researches of the São Paulos 1996-2012 municipal elections were closely examined. Additionally, the spatial analysis method was used in order to verify the existence of any geographic patterns related to the voters choice of this political organization in the various districts of the city. As a result, the following elements were found: 1) in the early elections taken, PT showed a popular power base, which, despite being of limited scope, was geographically situated within a specific area, i.e., the districts close to the so-called São Paulos ABC (the neighboring towns of Santo André, São Bernardo and São Caetano); 2) since the elections held in 2000, there have been changes in the make-up of PTs electoral base, seeing that it has moved from a party which had a middle-class profile (between 1985-2000) to one having a wider popular appeal (from 2004 onwards). Up until 2004 PTs winning ballots could be located in and around a certain geographic periphery of the city, but since then they have undergone the transformation described above and thus have gained volume in the socioeconomic periphery of São Paulos electoral body as a whole.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A elaboração dessa tese tem por finalidade contribuir para a discussão sobre o modelo de carreira política que vem se desenvolvendo no Brasil. O objetivo do trabalho é compreender a sua construção a partir da apreensão da lógica da tomada de decisão do legislador brasileiro na definição de sua trajetória profissional. Para isso, o estudo procurou estabelecer as motivações dos membros da Câmara dos Deputados diante das opções de carreira que se apresentam, no sentido de permanecer ou não na arena legislativa. A questão analisada é se a instituição está oferecendo atrativos aos seus membros para sua permanência, ou se estes estão alocados em outras instâncias. A hipótese-teste é a de que o Poder Executivo tem atraído os membros do Legislativo, desenhando um padrão de carreira política no qual as arenas se intercalariam Executivo e Legislativo assim como as esferas federal, estadual e municipal. A tese está estruturada em uma revisão das literaturas estrangeira e brasileira sobre carreira política, apresentando também um exame dos modelos de recrutamento e permanência na carreira parlamentar. São consideradas as influências de dois elementos estruturais da lógica política no Brasil. O primeiro é a estrutura federativa adotada no país a partir da Constituição de 1988 e o segundo é o seu sistema eleitoral e partidário, sobretudo o papel dos partidos políticos e do tipo de recrutamento de candidatos na adoção das estratégias de carreira de seus representantes. Procura-se entender o modo pelo qual o quadro criado pela conjunção dessas características gera, viabiliza ou impede a construção das carreiras políticas no Brasil e das ambições que as determinam. Os dados coletados na pesquisa compreendem as eleições para a Câmara dos Deputados e para a Prefeitura em todos os municípios do Brasil ocorridas nos últimos 20 anos. São analisadas as trajetórias prévias e futuras dos deputados federais que, durante o mandato, se candidataram ao cargo de Prefeito. A premissa aqui utilizada vem da visão de que sair do Parlamento pode ser a melhor estratégia − do ponto de vista eleitoral − para a ele poder retornar e a melhor estratégia para aqueles que desejam prosseguir em suas carreiras com maior segurança. E obter cargos junto ao Executivo pode dar acesso a recursos que não estão disponíveis aos parlamentares. / The execution of this thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about the model of a political career that has currently been developed in Brazil. The objective is to understand this construction from the grasp of the logic behind the Brazilian legislators decision-making about the definition of his career. For this purpose the study sought to establish the motivations of members of the House of Representatives behind the definition of the presented career options in order to remain or not in the legislative arena. The question analyzed is whether the institution is offering its members an appeal to remain, or if they are located elsewhere. The hypothesis is that the Executive has proven an effect of attraction on the members of the Legislature, drawing a pattern of political career in which the legislative and executive arenas are interspersed, as well as federal, state and municipal levels. The thesis is structured in a literature review about foreign and Brazilian political career, with a detailed analysis of models of recruitment and retention in parliamentary career. The influence of two structural elements of the political logic in Brazil is considered. The first one is the federal structure adopted by the country since the Constitution of 1988, and the second one is its electoral system and party, especially the role of political parties and the type of candidates recruitment in the adoption of their representatives career strategies. The aim is to understand the way the framework created by the combination of these characteristics determines, enables or prevents the construction of political careers in Brazil and their ambitions. The data collected in the survey include the elections for the House of Representatives and for the office for Mayor in all municipalities in Brazil happened in the last 20 years. This thesis analyzes the prior and future trajectories of deputies who apply for the office of Mayor during the mandate. The assumption used in this work comes from the idea that leaving the Parliament may be the best strategy to return to it, according to the electoral point of view , and the best strategy for those who wish to continue on their careers with greater security. And get positions in the Executive can provide access to resources that are not available to parliamentarians.

This diploma thesis provides a complete information about local politics in the town of Vlašim. Theoretical basis is primary focused on the theory of coalitions and its typology. Then characterizes socio - economic indicators of the municipality, which have the main effects on the local political system. Further, it describes election periods from the year of 2002 to 2010. This part is important to know all contexts that have influenced today's composition of coalition and in fact the whole situation in the city council. The last chapter applies the theory of coalition at the local level. For the correct interpretation and understanding of the formation of coalitions in Vlašim it is fundamental to detect the local specificities such as motivation of creating partnership between the parties, relationships between councilors etc. Now it is possible to understand the local political scene and subsequently the principles of local coalitions.