Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T19:07:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert Izabel da Silva 2.pdf: 2081576 bytes, checksum: 4749200409a70de40cb092acf4eaf0e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research aimed to investigate how the Pacto Nacional pelo Fortalecimento do Ensino Médio - PNEM - is inscribed in language and education policies and what representations the research partners build, locally, on this continuing education in a cross-border school context of the city of Foz do Iguaçu/PR. In order to achieve the proposed objective, I sought to answer two research questions: 1) How language policies, combined with educational policies, historically, have been built in Brazil, among them the PNEM? and 2) What representations of a multidisciplinary group of teachers and pedagogues are evidenced locally through their discursive practices, on the continuing education policy PNEM? The research in question sought to achieve an interface between the theoretical and methodological field of Applied Linguistics (hereinafter LA) and Education (KLEIMAN, 1998; PENNYCOOK, 1998; BAKHTIN (VOLOCHINOV) ([1929] 2006; RAJAGOPALAN, 2006, 2013; etc). Thus, I made a cutout covering Linguistic Policy and Educational Policy in the theoretical foundation of the research (HAMEL, 1993; CALVET, 2002; SHOHAMY, 2006, 2010; SAVIANI, 2008, 2011; JAFFE, 2009; SHIROMA et. al., 2011; MAHER, 2013; among others). So I opted for a methodology of qualitative / interpretative and ethnographic (ERICKSON, 1989; DENZIN & LINCOLN, 2006; FLICK, 2009). The dissertation was organized into three chapters. In the first chapter, I presented the theoretical and methodological approach of the research; I contextualize the linguistic and cultural reality and superdiversity the border region that circumscribes the city of Foz do Iguaçu/PR and the Colégio Estadual Ipê Roxo; as well as the reordering of PNEM locally. The constitution of the corpus consists of: field notes from participant observation of collective meetings at school, during the year 2015; the formation of books I, II and IV of Step 2 of the PNEM and their production activities collective textual; and excerpts from the discursive practices of participants in a focus group. The second chapter has attempted to answer the first research question. The results indicated that with the colonization of Brazil, also undertook a linguistic colonization (MARIANI, 2004); and with it come the first actions of linguistic and educational policies as "Regiments" of D. João III, the Pombaline Reform, with the imposition of the Portuguese language by the Diretório do Índios in 1757 (SOARES, 2008); or, in the twentieth century, the linguistic repression established to immigrants and their descendants, in the government of the Estado Novo; among many others. In Chapter 2, I noted also that different concepts of language were underlying the teaching and language policies of each historical moment in Brazil. The third chapter sought to answer the second research question. The analysis and interpretation of the data showed, among other things, that the parties had representations sometimes contradictory regarding the continuing education of PNEM. For the same time they seemed to assume a position of language policy agents, resisting the top-down policy (SHOHAMY, 2006); at other times, they end up claiming that the training was also conducted for teachers of Ensino Fundamental II. In fact, I realized that the lack of debate in collective meetings, unable by reordering the PNEM locally, made important issues to local realities, such as the linguistic and cultural diversity, were minimally discussed. Furthermore, the analysis of the documents governing the PNEM and Training books, as well as the interpretation of the discursive practices of the interlocutors revealed distinct focus of attention. On the one hand, the representations of the parties on the students of Colégio Estadual Ipê Roxo, proved almost always negatively stereotypical way; with the statement that the diversity of the local reality determines a priori the students learning problems. On the other hand, the documents show greater concern for the rights to student learning, however, did not mention what could be the rights of teachers. Although the contract clearly define as a requirement that the teacher articulates theory and practice in the context of the classroom, the authors of the continuing education of PNEM end up neglecting their methodological part. / Esta pesquisa buscou investigar como o Pacto Nacional pelo Fortalecimento do Ensino Médio PNEM se inscreve nas políticas linguísticas e educacionais e quais representações os interlocutores da pesquisa constroem, localmente, sobre essa formação continuada, em um contexto escolar transfronteiriço da cidade de Foz do Iguaçu/PR. No intuito de concretizar o objetivo proposto, procurei responder a duas perguntas de pesquisa: 1) Como as políticas linguísticas, aliadas às políticas educacionais, foram construídas historicamente no Brasil, entre estas o PNEM? e 2) Quais representações de um grupo multidisciplinar de professores e pedagogos são evidenciadas localmente, por meio de suas práticas discursivas, sobre a política de formação continuada do PNEM? A pesquisa em questão procurou realizar uma interface entre o campo teórico-metodológico da Linguística Aplicada (doravante LA) e a Educação (KLEIMAN, 1998; PENNYCOOK, 1998; BAKHTIN (VOLOCHINOV) ([1929] 2006; RAJAGOPALAN, 2006, 2013; entre outros). Dessa forma, fiz um recorte que abrangeu a Política Linguística e a Política Educacional na fundamentação teórica da pesquisa (HAMEL, 1993; CALVET, 2002; SHOHAMY, 2006, 2010; SAVIANI, 2008, 2011; JAFFE, 2009; SHIROMA et. al., 2011; MAHER, 2013; entre outros). Portanto, optei por uma metodologia de natureza qualitativa/interpretativa e de cunho etnográfico (ERICKSON, 1989; DENZIN e LINCOLN, 2006; FLICK, 2009). A dissertação foi organizada em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, apresentei o percurso teórico-metodológico da pesquisa; contextualizei a realidade linguístico-cultural e superdiversa da região transfronteiriça que circunscreve a cidade de Foz do Iguaçu/PR e o Colégio Estadual Ipê Roxo; bem como, a reordenação do PNEM localmente. A constituição do corpus consistiu em: notas de campo da observação participante dos encontros coletivos realizados no colégio durante o ano de 2015; os Cadernos de Formação I, II e IV da Etapa 2 do PNEM e suas respectivas Atividades de Produção Textual coletiva; e em excertos das práticas discursivas dos participantes de um Grupo Focal. O segundo capítulo tentou responder a primeira pergunta de pesquisa. Os resultados indicaram que junto à colonização do território brasileiro, também se empreendeu uma colonização linguística (MARIANI, 2004), e com ela aparecem as primeiras ações de políticas linguísticas e educacionais como os Regimentos de D. João III, a Reforma Pombalina, com a imposição da língua portuguesa por meio do Diretório do Índios, em 1757 (SOARES, 2004), ou ainda, no século XX, a repressão linguística estabelecida aos imigrantes e seus descendentes, no governo do Estado Novo; entre tantas outras. No capítulo 2, observei também, que diferentes concepções de língua(gem) estiveram subjacentes ao ensino e às políticas linguísticas de cada momento histórico, no Brasil. O terceiro capítulo procurou responder à segunda pergunta de pesquisa. A análise e interpretação dos dados evidenciou, entre outras questões, que os interlocutores apresentaram representações, às vezes, contraditórias com relação à formação continuada do PNEM. Pois ao mesmo tempo, em que pareciam assumir um posicionamento de agentes de política linguística, resistindo à política de cima para baixo (topdown) (SHOHAMY, 2006); em outros, acabavam reivindicando que a formação também fosse realizada para os professores do Ensino Fundamental II. Com efeito, percebi que a falta de debate nos encontros coletivos, impossibilitado pela reordenação do PNEM localmente, fez com que questões importantes para a realidade local, a exemplo da diversidade linguístico-cultural, fossem minimamente discutidas. Além disso, a análise dos documentos que regem o PNEM e os Cadernos de Formação, bem como, a interpretação das práticas discursivas dos interlocutores revelaram focos de atenção distintos. Por um lado, as representações dos interlocutores sobre os alunos do Colégio Estadual Ipê Roxo se mostraram, quase sempre, de forma estereotipada negativamente; com a afirmação de que a diversidade da realidade local determina a priori os problemas de aprendizagem dos educandos. Por outro lado, os documentos mostram maior preocupação com os direitos à aprendizagem do aluno, porém, não citam quais poderiam ser os direitos dos professores. Embora, os cadernos explicitem como exigência que o professor articule teoria e prática, no contexto da sala de aula, os autores da formação continuada do PNEM acabam negligenciando esta articulação em sua parte metodológica

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-07-21T18:25:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - M?rcia Regina de Sant'Ana Maciel.pdf: 2074056 bytes, checksum: 266b01301517749928db36838481a716 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T18:25:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - M?rcia Regina de Sant'Ana Maciel.pdf: 2074056 bytes, checksum: 266b01301517749928db36838481a716 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / The present study analises the educational policy named National Pact for Literacy in the Right Age - PNAIC, regardingit?s contributions to the continued formation, the improvement of quality of alphabetization process and the teaching practices in the city of Belford Roxo, located in the State of Rio de Janeiro. The PNAIC is a course of continued formation of literacy teachers and the sistematic monitoring of its execution, by an organization structure suggested by MEC. The subject of this research was defined from the need of understanding if this continued formation has been important for the teacher, and which contributions can be considered significant in terms of their pedagogical praxis. For this we take as a reference the general principles proposed in this formation, which focus on the practice of reflexivity, mobilization of teaching knowledge, the constitution of professional identity, the socialization, the engagement and the collaboration. It was aimed in this research to contemplate,beyond the results measured through exams applied to the students, the qualitative results of the continued formation focusing the teacher. For so, different contexts of production and operationalization of the referred policy, compared with the speech of those involved directly with the continued formation: the coordinators, the advisors, and the local teachers. The basic theoretical reference is the analytical approach of the educational policies cycle, proposed by Stephen Ball. Therefore, we accomplished an study about the context of text production that informs about the referred educational policy, the context of its influence and the context of the continued formation practices of PNAIC. The present work consists of qualitative field research. We used as research methods the participant observationand bibliographical research, using the following resources for collecting data: interview and semi-structured questionnaire, logbook, and documental analysis. We concluded that, in the studied reality, the PNAIC continued formation, in the short period that happened, brought contributions to the improvement of the teaching quality through changes in the teaching practices, and these changes resulted in higher motivation, attention and participation from the students, bringing with it, advances in their learning. The continued formation follows problematizing characteristics, in which by way of exchanges of experiences and knowledges, the students are encouraged to think over the problem situation and to construct intervention strategies. However, some obstacles caused by external and internal factors were identified, requiring attention, mainly by the political authorities and the central PNAIC team, for the success of this policy in the network. / O presente estudo analisa a pol?tica educacional denominada Pacto Nacional pela Alfabetiza??o na Idade Certa - PNAIC, no que tange ?s suas contribui??es para a forma??o continuada, a melhoria da qualidade do processo de alfabetiza??o e as pr?ticas docentes no munic?pio de Belford Roxo, localizado na regi?o metropolitana da Baixada Fluminense do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. O PNAIC se desdobra em um curso de Forma??o Continuada de Professores Alfabetizadores e no acompanhamento sistem?tico de sua execu??o, por meio de uma estrutura organizacional sugerida pelo MEC. A tem?tica da pesquisa foi definida a partir da necessidade de compreender se esta forma??o tem sido importante para o professor e quais contribui??es podem ser consideradas significativas em termos de sua pr?xis pedag?gica. Para tanto tomamos como refer?ncia os princ?pios gerais propostos nessa forma??o, que incidem sobre a pr?tica da reflexividade, mobiliza??o dos saberes docentes, a constitui??o da identidade profissional, a socializa??o, o engajamento e a colabora??o. Objetivou-se nesta pesquisa contemplar, al?m dos resultados mensurados a partir das provas aplicadas aos alunos, os resultados qualitativos da forma??o com foco no professor. Para isso, foram analisados os diferentes contextos de produ??o e de operacionaliza??o da referida pol?tica, cotejada com os discursos dos envolvidos diretamente nesta forma??o: Coordenadora local, os Orientadores de estudo e os Professores locais. Seu referencial te?rico b?sico ? a abordagem anal?tica do ciclo de pol?ticas educacionais, proposta Stephen Ball. Portanto, realizamos um estudo sobre o contexto de produ??o do texto que informa a referida pol?tica educacional, o contexto da influ?ncia e o contexto da pr?tica da forma??o continuada do PNAIC. Este trabalho se constitui de pesquisa de campo do tipo qualitativa. Utilizamos como procedimentos de pesquisa a observa??o participante e a pesquisa bibliogr?fica, tendo por m?todos de coleta de dados: entrevista e question?rio semi-estruturado, di?rio de bordo e an?lise documental. Conclu?mos que, na realidade estudada, a forma??o continuada do PNAIC, mesmo no pouco tempo em que se sucedeu, trouxe contribui??es ? melhoria da qualidade do ensino atrav?s de mudan?as nas pr?ticas docentes. Estas mudan?as repercutiram em melhor motiva??o, participa??o e aten??o dos alunos trazendo com isso, avan?os nas suas aprendizagens. A forma??o segue caracter?stica problematizadora, onde por meio das trocas de experi?ncias e saberes, os cursistas s?o incentivados a refletir sobre as situa??es problemas e a construir estrat?gias de interven??o. Por?m alguns entraves causados por fatores externos e internos foram identificados, merecendo aten??o, principalmente por parte das autoridades pol?ticas e da equipe central municipal do PNAIC, para o sucesso dessa pol?tica na rede.

L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat consiste à étudier les évolutions dans les discours des leaders politiques et religieux au Liban exprimés publiquement mais aussi en cercle restreint durant la quinzaine d’années du conflit qui débute en 1975 et ne termine qu’en 1989 avec les accords de Taëf. Le travail porte sur une présentation et une analyse des projets politiques proposés pour le Liban par plusieurs personnalités provenant de différents partis politiques dans le pays durant la période étudiée. L’originalité de l’approche est de regrouper deux partis politiques qui s’opposent fortement, mais qui adoptent une idéologie établie sur des fondements communs. A partir de supports écrits, radiophoniques et télévisuels ainsi qu’avec l’aide d’entretiens que nous avions réalisés au cours de nos recherches au Liban et en France, nous étudions les projets politiques élaborés au Liban entre 1975-1989. Nos analyses dévoilent une évolution dans l’approche de la part d’acteurs confessionnels et politiques libanais d’influence quant à leur vision de l’avenir de la configuration politique de leur pays tout en se situant, d’une manière ou d’une autre, par rapport au Pacte national de 1943 ainsi que du rôle qu’ils envisagent pour eux-mêmes. / The objective of this PhD dissertation is to study the evolution in the different discourse of political and religious leaders in Lebanon expressed in public as well as within closed circles during the fifteen years of conflict which began in 1975 and finished in 1989 with the Taif Agreement. This dissertation centers on a presentation and an analysis of the political projects proposed for Lebanon by several leading personalities coming from different political parties in the country during the period studied here. The originality of the approach is to group together two political parties which strongly oppose one another but which adopt an ideology based on shared criteria. Based on written documents as well as radio and televised programs and press conferences in addition to interviews which we have conducted in Lebanon and in France, we studied the political projects which were developed in Lebanon during 1975-1989. Our analyses reveal an evolution in the approach on the part of Lebanese religious and political persons of influence vis-à-vis their vision for the future regarding the political configuration of their country, all the while with respect to their strategic positioning in relation to the National Pact of 1943 as well as the role which they envision for themselves.

The study tries to analyze structural problems in the development of public finances in the Czech Republic in connection of mentioned Maastricht criteria, mainly Maastricht fiscal criteria. It focuses on the main planned goals in the Czech Republic from November 2007. These goals are compared to the results of the last research of structural problems in the Czech public finances presented by Working paper series: Czech Fiscal policy: Introductory analysis from 2003. The aim is tu judge the reality of the calculated goals presented by the updated Convergence programme of the Czech Republic from November 2007.

This dissertation deals with German-Soviet economic and political relations from 1939 to 1941. These were forms of totalitarian regimes whose cooperation was not suspended though its own dynamics were influenced by ideological, economic, and political conditions. One of the motives for the intensification of German-Soviet cooperation was Germany's attempt to secure self-sufficiency in the development of raw materials. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of August 23rd, 1939 was a calculated accord with precise objectives when in both systems common national interests, which consisted also in the partition of Poland, overshadowed their ideological differences. This work outlines the circumstances of the negotiations, the main actors, and motives leading to the creation of the most significant trade agreements. It quantifies the Soviet deliveries exported to the German economy in the given period and analyzes the fulfillment of contractual obligations. A barely two-year business relationship in which Reich Foreign Ministry was significantly engaged provided more short-term benefits to the German war economy, especially in quantitative terms. It helped Hitler, among others, partially solve the import dependency. With regard to the structure of trade, the Stalinist regime was particularly important for the Nazi economy because of imports of raw materials and food. Reciprocally, Hitler's Germany represented a notable source of technologies and arms production. Business contracts completion was affected by military operations, strategic plans, contract terms and conditions, and other factors. In the last part, the thesis analyzes the German economic situation in the occupied territories of the USSR in the years 1941-1943 with respect to the area of present-day Ukraine and Belarus. The aim was to answer the question of whether the planned economic goals were achieved, and to characterize the most important factors influencing German economic gains. Part of this research was an analysis of the overall balance of obtained minerals, food, and labor in order to provide an answer to the question whether it was worth it, in purely quantitative terms, for Germany to terminate economic cooperation and attack the Soviet Union. Military action was motivated by economic objectives, while there is no doubt about the racially ideological background. In the elaboration and implementation of occupation policy representatives of the industrial and banking sectors or the Reich's ministries were actively involved. Benefits expected from the economic occupation of the Soviet territory were not realized. Efficiency and goals achievement were complicated by evacuation and collaboration, also corruption, guerrilla activities, and the concept of occupation policy.

The purpose of this essay is to examine how and what two Swedish newspapers wrote about the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the initial invasion of Poland during the Second World War. Additionally this works also seeks to find any major differences between the two newspaper coverage of the events studied. To achieve this goal a qualitative and comparative method was applied to the source material, which consist of the newspapers Nya WermlandsTidningen (NWT) and Dagens Nyheter (DN) during the period from August 23 to the eight of September. The theory which was applied is a variant of critical discourse analysis. The results of the essay can be summarized as follows: Both NWT and DN provided and adequate coverage of the events, although they often reported on the same events and with the same sources they used different headlines and sometimes reached different conclusions. In regards to the comparative study this reveals that largely they reported on minor differences and that most of the major stories are similar.

Bibliografický záznam VLACH, Michael. Evropské ekonomické vládnutí - možnost nebo nutnost? Praha, 2011. 95 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut mezinárodních studií. Katedra západoevropských studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce Prof. Ing. Luděk Urban, CSC., Jean Monnet Professor Abstract Diploma Thesis "European Economic Governance - an option or the necessity?" deals with the current debate on the reform of European economic governance (EEG). It focuses on the genesis of the pre-crisis European economic governance, primarily on the Economic and Monetary Union, and on the performance of the EMU and the features of EEG before and during the crisis. It investigates the issues and challenges that arisen largely from the aftermath of the crisis such as imbalances on the Internal Market due to serious competitiveness issues between the Member States, lack of crisis management, financial supervision etc. The common cause of these problems, the insufficient economic governance is identified having source largely in the original design of EMU which was adopted largely for economic reasons but contemporary political limits restrained the Economic union and macroeconomic coordination provisions thus enabling the current situation. In the final part the proposed and implemented...

The aim of the dissertation is to explain the military-political reasons behind the long-term attempt of the Soviet Union to deploy its units on Czechoslovak territory, as well as the root cause of the military operation against Czechoslovakia which was carried out by the five member armies of the Warsaw Pact. One of the main reasons for this was the military and strategic situation in Central Europe in the 1960's, and also the issue of nuclear weapons and their carriers. A separate chapter is dedicated to Soviet attempts to deploy its units on Czechoslovak territory prior to Operation Danube. The final chapter deals with the reorganization of the CPA, the establishment of the CGV and the NATO reaction to the change in the strenght of armed forces present on the border of the two Blocs.

Cette thèse étudie l’opposition du Parti communiste italien (PCI) et du Parti communiste français (PCF) au bloc atlantique, du début de la guerre froide jusqu’à l’admission de la République fédérale d'Allemagne (RFA) dans l'OTAN. L'approche choisie est d'intégrer les sphères « nationale » et « internationale », pour éviter de limiter l’analyse seulement aux logiques d’opposition de la Guerre froide. La compréhension des stratégies d’opposition de deux partis au bloc atlantique est primordiale, vu que, le PCF et le PCI sont, à l’époque, les deux plus grands partis communistes de l’Europe occidentale, et favorables aux constitutions française et italienne de l’après Deuxième Guerre mondiale. En tenant compte de l’interaction entre enjeux nationaux et pressions internationales, la thèse dresse un portrait de l’évolution des PCF/PCI dans leur opposition au bloc atlantique, en mettant en relief les similitudes et les différences. En s’appuyant sur plusieurs sources primaires, telles que les documents officiels des deux partis et les documents diplomatiques et ministériels italiens, français, russes et américains, elle explique l’évolution de deux partis. Si les conditions de départ, avec l’éviction des gouvernements nationaux des deux partis et la pression accrue des États-Unis et de l’Union soviétique, sont similaires, l’élaboration à long terme des stratégies est différente. En termes généraux, le PCF se caractérise par une stratégie plus « dogmatique », par rapport au bloc atlantique. Par conséquent, la tendance des communistes français sera celle d’une opposition plus attentive à la situation internationale qu’aux enjeux nationaux, avec une inversion de cette tendance qui arrive seulement à la moitié des années 1950, avec la campagne contre la CED. De leur côté, les communistes italiens sont capables, depuis le début et nonobstant les pressions internationales, d’élaborer une opposition plus équilibrée entre enjeux nationaux et situation internationale. Il en résulte que la stratégie du PCI sera plus efficace car, à plusieurs reprises, elle mettra en difficulté le gouvernement italien sur le fond de son choix atlantique. / This thesis studies the opposition of the Italian Communist Party (ICP) and the French Communist Party (FCP) to the Atlantic bloc, from the beginning of the Cold War until the entry of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) into NATO. The approach chosen is to integrate the 'national' and 'international' spheres, in order to avoid framing the analysis solely in terms of Cold War opposition. The comprehension of the oppositional strategies of two parties to the Atlantic bloc is very important, as the PCF and the PCI were the two largest communist parties in Western Europe at the time, and favorable to the French and Italian constitutions after World War II. Considering the interaction between national issues and international pressures, the dissertation draws a portrait of the evolution of the CPF/CPI in their opposition to the Atlantic bloc, highlighting similarities and differences. The thesis relies on several primary sources, such as official documents of the two parties and Italian, French, Russian and American diplomatic and ministerial documents, to explain the evolution of the two parties. While the starting conditions, with the exclusion from the national governments of both parties and the increased pressure from the US and the Soviet Union were similar, the long-term development of strategies was different. In general, the PCF was more "dogmatic", in relation to the Atlantic bloc. Consequently, the tendency of the French communists was to focus more on the international situation than on national issues, with a reversal of this tendency only in the mid-1950s, during the campaign against the EDC. For their part, the Italian communists were able, from the start and notwithstanding international pressures, to develop a more balanced opposition taking into account national issues and the international situation. As a result, the PCI's strategy was more effective, as it repeatedly challenged the Italian government on its Atlantic choice.

This thesis analyses whether the concept of monetary sovereignty evolves under the impact of globalization and financial integration, and provides a framework for assessing what this implies. Thereby, this thesis contributes to a better understanding of both the contemporary exercise of sovereign powers in monetary and financial matters and of the driving forces behind the evolution of international law in this field. As elaborated in chapter 1, the contemporary concept of monetary sovereignty proposed by this thesis is not static but dynamic in nature. Due to the dual nature of sovereignty as a concept having not only positive but also important normative components, monetary sovereignty cannot become eroded under the impact of legal and economic constraints. Chapter 2 examines the ongoing hybridization of international monetary law arising from changes in the sources of this complex body of law, from the unsuitability of the categories of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ law for characterizing all normative evolutions in this field, and from the rise of private and transnational monetary law. Chapter 3 scrutinizes the phenomenon of exchange rate misalignment under monetary and trade law. Intrinsically related, it assesses which aspects of the IMF’s legal framework should be reformed in order to tackle contemporary challenges to the stability of the international monetary system, such as global current account imbalances. Chapter 4 analyses the increasing regionalization of monetary sovereignty. It argues that, to the extent that transferring sovereign powers to a monetary union is what provides a state’s population with maximum monetary and financial stability, the underlying transfers are not a surrender of monetary sovereignty, but its effective exercise under the form of cooperative sovereignty. Finally, chapter 5 assesses the implications of the contemporary concept of monetary sovereignty proposed herein for the reorganization of the international financial architecture in the wake of the Great Recession.