Os países da América Latina experimentaram, na década de 1950, um forte estímulo para o regionalismo econômico. O avanço dos processos de industrialização nas principais economias da região, por um lado, e as restrições políticas e econômicas presentes no novo ordenamento internacional do pós-guerra, por outro, tornaram aquela conjuntura histórica receptiva às propostas genuinamente elaboradas no seio da Comissão Econômica para América Latina e Caribe (CEPAL) de uma maior colaboração, cooperação e integração entre os países da região. O Brasil, nesse contexto, se deparou com duas diferentes iniciativas de integração regional que tiveram desfechos contrários. A primeira, assumida como uma tentativa frustrada de reedição do Pacto ABC de 1915, buscava entrelaçar as economias de Argentina, Brasil e Chile sob a rubrica de uma união aduaneira. A assinatura da Ata de Santiago entre Juan D. Perón e Carlos Ibañez Del Campo em fevereiro de 1953 não amainou o cenário para a adesão do Brasil; ao contrário, inflamou a oposição interna ao governo brasileiro, tornando a proposta objeto de denúncia contra Getúlio Vargas. A falta de apoio político interno levaria o governo Vargas a adotar uma atitude realista e instrumental frente à proposta abecista. Já a segunda ocasião referiu-se ao bem-sucedido processo de formação da Associação Latino-Americana de Livre Comércio (ALALC), concretizado após subscrição do Tratado de Montevidéu em fevereiro de 1960. A elaboração do projeto alalquiano por comissões técnicas interestatais contando com amplo e decisivo suporte cepalino contribuiu para despolitizar internamente o tema da integração econômica regional e garantir sua efetivação com o total apoio do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Trata-se aqui de analisar a recepção e repercussão no Brasil de tais propostas integracionistas e buscar compreender as motivações e interesses que conduziram o processo de definição da participação brasileira a resultados contrários, em uma conjuntura política e econômica relativamente semelhante. A hipótese que orienta as análises específicas é que a correlação interna de forças políticas, e os interesses econômicos e influências sociais nela implicados, fora determinante para definir a oportunidade e/ou as expectativas de concretização dos blocos econômicos regionais. / The countries of Latin America received, in the 1950s, a strong stimulus for economic regionalism. The advance of industrialization processes in the major economies of the region, on the one hand, and the political and economic constraints present in the new international order of the post-war, on the other, become this historical juncture receptive to proposals genuinely prepared within the Economic Commission Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) for greater collaboration, cooperation and integration among the region countries. The Brazil, in this context, was faced with two different regional integration initiatives that had opposing outcomes. The first, taken as a failed attempt to reissue the ABC Pact of 1915, sought to intertwine the economies of Argentina, Brazil and Chile under the rubric of a customs union. The signing of the Minutes of Santiago between Juan D. Perón and Carlos Ibañez Del Campo in February 1953 not abated the controversies for Brazil\'s adherence; instead inflamed the internal opposition to the Brazilian government, making the proposal a subject of complain against Vargas. The lack of domestic political support would take the Vargas government to adopt a realistic and instrumental attitude towards abecista proposal. The second occasion referred to the successful process of formation of the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), achieved after signing of the Treaty of Montevideo in February 1960. The preparation of the project alalquiano by intergovernmental commissions techniques relying on broad and decisive support ECLAC contributed to internally depoliticize the issue of regional economic integration and ensure its implementation with the full support of the government of Juscelino Kubitschek. Seeks to analyze the reception and influence in Brazil of such integrationist proposals and understand the motivations and interests that led the process of defining Brazilian participation to contrary results in political and economic conditions relatively similar. The hypothesis that guides specific analyzes is that the internal correlation of political forces, and the economic interests and social influences involved in it, was determining for defining opportunities and / or expectations of achievement of regional economic blocs.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-23T18:57:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelacristinalopesmauricio.pdf: 1973059 bytes, checksum: 791daae4b00a8c7042c55eca125e902d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-24T14:41:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelacristinalopesmauricio.pdf: 1973059 bytes, checksum: 791daae4b00a8c7042c55eca125e902d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-24T14:42:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelacristinalopesmauricio.pdf: 1973059 bytes, checksum: 791daae4b00a8c7042c55eca125e902d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-24T14:42:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rafaelacristinalopesmauricio.pdf: 1973059 bytes, checksum: 791daae4b00a8c7042c55eca125e902d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-11 / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os discursos produzidos acerca da conduta docente, percebendo, principalmente, como o discurso do “bom professor” foi sendo construído. Partimos do pressuposto de que esse discurso está articulado a espaços de poder que permitem e legitimam sua enunciação e a feixes de relações que lhe conferem reconhecimento. Para tanto, recorremos às ações de formação continuada para os professores alfabetizadores, instauradas pelo Pacto Nacional pela Alfabetização na Idade Certa (PNAIC), um programa do governo federal que estabelece um compromisso formal articulado entre o Distrito Federal, os estados e municípios do território brasileiro, com o intuito de assegurar que todas as crianças estejam alfabetizadas até os oito anos de idade, ao final do terceiro ano do ensino fundamental. Entendemos que a legislação escolar vem sendo utilizada largamente como fonte na pesquisa em educação, e ressaltamos a necessidade e o cuidado de se operacionalizar esse tipo de fonte específica, distanciando-se da forma das transposições mecânicas das mesmas e/ou de tomá-la como uma forma ingênua, já que ela é resultado de debates e disputas advindas de um diálogo com sociedade, tradições e costumes. Torna-se relevante abordar criticamente o discurso do “bom professor” implícito nas normatizações formativas, uma vez que as instâncias governamentais compreendem que esse profissional se forja, necessariamente por meio da formação. Além disso, compreendemos que a concepção de “bom”, imposta pelo Estado, não se mantém inalterada, pois sofre mutações de acordo com as necessidades e interesses políticos, econômicos e sociais. / The current work has the objective of analyzing the speeches produced about the teaching conduct – noticing, especially, how the good professor’s discourse has been built, proceeding from the assumption that it comes from the articulation between the power spaces that allow and legitimate its enunciation, with the bundles of relations that supports and gives it recognition. For doing so, we will resort to the actions of continued training of the literacy teachers, set up by the National Pact for Literacy at the Right Age (Pnaic), a program of the Federal Government which establishes an articulated formal commitment between the Distrito Federal, the states and cities of the Brazilian territory, to assure that all the children are taught how to read and write until the age of eight, or at the end of the 3rd year of the Ensino Fundamental, with the intention to make us perceive the school’s legislation as a widely used source in the education researches, emphasizing the necessity and the care of handling that type of specific source, leaving behind its mechanical transpositions and/or the understanding of it as an ingenuous form, as far as it is a result of debates and disputes, that comes from a dialogue with the society, the traditions and customs. The critical approach of the speech of the “good” professor implicit in the formative patterns has become important once the governmental instances understand that this professional is necessarily built by means of formation. Besides that, we understand that the “good” conception imposed by the State does not remain unaffected, but suffers alterations in accordance with the political, economic and social necessities and interests.

This thesis concerns fiscal rules which represent a possible solution of excessive deficits of public budgets. The chosen topic is very relevant as most developed countries are now facing the problem of fiscal imbalance. The aim of the thesis is to analyze existing rules in the Czech Republic and to formulate recommendations for its public budgets with regard to the specifics of the economic and political environment. The main hypothesis is that fiscal rules in the Czech Republic are not well designed and do not contribute to the stabilization of public finances. This hypothesis was partially proved true. Proposal to strengthen the fiscal framework by implementation of the reform of medium-term expenditure frameworks and by adopting debt rule at the constitutional level results from the realized findings. Further recommendation is to establish independent fiscal institution that would oversee the fiscal policy in the Czech Republic.

The diploma thesis focuses on the current economic problems of the eurozone, which are caused by the existence of independent monetary policy and seventeen fiscal policies. The theoretical part describes the complex relationship of fiscal and monetary policies as well as the optimum currency area criteria. The practical part analyzing monetary policy in terms of inflation, inflation differentials, development of the real effective exchange rate, credit expansion and the impact of low interest rates on the creation of housing bubbles. Analysis of fiscal policy focuses on the criteria of the Stability and Growth Pact in terms of the fiscal deficit and government debt development. At the end, the diploma thesis provides a brief description of the new fiscal agreement and the European Stability Mechanism treaty.

This thesis examines the process of coordination of economic policies of the European Union on the example of the Visegrad countries. The introductory chapter describes the development of the economic policy coordination, discusses the key legal documents that most affected the process of coordination, and assesses the importance of the coordination for the European integration . The second chapter focuses on the latest changes in the legislation relating to the coordination of economic policies. The last chapter describes the influence of the most essential tools for coordinating the countries of the Visegrad Group. Assesses the extent differences involvement Slovakia coordination process, as the only state that groups that have adopted the euro . Assesses the impact of the crisis on developing coordination and lightly touching the issue of the future adoption of the euro in the countries of the Visegrad Group, which still use the national currency.

Der Institutionalisierungsprozess des freien Theaters und der performativen Künste ist unmittelbar mit der „Eroberung“ oder „Zuteilung“ eigener Räume und Häuser seit der zweiten Hälfte der 1980er-Jahre verbunden. Mittlerweile liegen die Anfänge der Etablierung von Produktionshäusern also mehr als 30 Jahre zurück und ihre Geschichte hat die Möglichkeiten und Bedingungen für Aufführungen aller Art wesentlich verändert und erweitert. Diese Geschichte(n) zurück zu verfolgen und mit ihrer Erschließung zu beginnen, ist wesentliche Voraussetzung für die Untersuchung aktueller Verhältnisse zwischen Raum/Architektur und Produktions-/Spielweisen. Das zweite ARBEITSHEFT widmet sich dem PACT Zollverein Essen und untersucht auch den Zusammenhang zur Konversion einer ehemaligen Zechenanlagen im Ruhrgebiet.

Malgré les importants programmes économiques et financiers entrepris à la fin des années 80 et l’adoption du Pacte de convergence en 1999, les taux de croissance des Etats de l’UEMOA restent en deçà du niveau minimal de 7% requis pour la réalisation des Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement (OMD). Cette faiblesse du rythme de croissance conduit aujourd’hui à s’interroger sur l’efficacité des politiques économiques et en particulier, sur le rôle que devraient jouer les autorités publiques à travers la politique budgétaire. Nous analysons, à partir des données empiriques, le caractère procyclique de la politique budgétaire dans la zone UEMOA, en testant les éventuels retournements liés à l’adoption du Pacte de convergence. Ensuite, dans un deuxième temps, nous estimons à travers un modèle VAR structurel, l’impact dynamique des chocs budgétaires sur les fluctuations de l’activité économique des pays de l’UEMOA et leurs canaux de transmission. En dernier lieu, nous exposons d’abord les limites de l’approche utilisée par le FMI pour le calcul des contributions de la politique budgétaire à la croissance économique ; puis, nous proposons un modèle d’évaluation des effets de long terme de cette politique sur la croissance, tout en montrant les risques liés aux coupes budgétaires sur les investissements publics. Les résultats de cette thèse suggèrent l’adoption de règles budgétaires qui tiennent compte de la situation conjoncturelle de chaque pays, la rapidité dans l’action gouvernementale pour remédier à l’inertie des finances publiques et le renforcement des investissements publics productifs afin de mieux soutenir la croissance économique / Despite significant economic and financial programs undertaken in the late 80s and the adoption of the convergence Pact in 1999, the growth rate of Economic and Monetary Union of West Africa (EMUWA) countries remain below the minimum level of 7% required for the achievement of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). This low growth rate now leads to questions about the effectiveness of economic policy and, in particular, on the role to be played by public authorities through fiscal policy. We analyze empirical data through, the procyclicality of fiscal policy in the EMUWA and we test the possible reversals related to the adoption of the convergence Pact. Then, in a second step, we estimate from a structural VAR model, the dynamic impact of fiscal shocks on fluctuations in the economic activity of the EMUWA countries and their transmission channels. Finally, we discuss the limitations of the approach used by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to calculate the contributions of fiscal policy to economic growth; then, we propose an evaluation of the long-term effects of this policy model on growth, while showing the risks of cuts on public investment.The results of this thesis suggest the adoption of fiscal rules that take into account the economic situation of each country, the speed in government action to overcome the inertia of public finances and strengthening of productive public investments to better support economic growth

[pt] Esta dissertação tem como objetivo refletir sobre questões relacionadas à autobiografia dentro da perspectiva contemporânea dos estudos biográficos, legitimadora dos discursos situados à margem dos cânones literários.O objeto de análise da mesma é uma carta e algumas fotografias. A carta, de 317 páginas, foi escrita por Camilo Cândido de Araújo - meu avô materno -, no período de 14 de setembro de 1969 a 26 de janeiro de 1970 e endereçada ao seu filho mais velho. A correspondência - de conteúdo memorialista - é um legado que o pai deixa ao filho; uma espécie de autobiografia que, além de ter sido escrita no final da vida do autor, teve papel fundamental em sua história. A partir desse documento, encontrado recentemente, são feitas reflexões sobre questões pertinentes à literatura como escrita epistolar e autobiográfica, a necessidade da escrita e a memória. A relação biógrafo/biografado é tomada como ponto de partida para destacar a linhagem materna. As fotografias familiares são lidas em contraponto com o texto, como suplemento do material de análise. / [en] The purpose of this thesis is to reflect on questions relating to the autobiographical genre within the contemporary perspective of biographical studies, a perspective that has been legitimizing these discourses situated at the margins of literary canon. The object of analysis is a testament/letter and a few photographs. The 317-page document was written by Camilo Cândido de Araújo, my maternal grandfather, between September 14, 1969 and January 26, 1970, and it was addressed to his eldest son. The epistle - a memoir in content - is a legacy from a father to his son; it is a form of autobiography that, besides having been written in the final years of the authors life, played a fundamental role in his own life history. Based on this recently found material, reflections are made on matters pertinent to literature as epistolary and autobiographic writings, the necessity of writing, and memory. The relationship between the biographer and his subject is the starting point for highlighting the maternal lineage. The family photographs serve as a counterpoint to the text, as a supplement to the material in question.

Europe is in the midst of its deepest crisis since the 1930s where unsustainable debt-to-GDP levels are among the most alarming issues. It is so critical that it is unsure if the Euro can be saved. The risk of moral hazard increases within EMU when governments are taking too much risk in their public debt policies due to the anticipation that ECB or other Member States would eventually bail them out. Moreover, the SGP imposes restrictions on government deficits and debts but have previously failed to enforce them. The weakness seen in the past is that no sanctions have been put in place once the limits have been breached and the SGP is therefore incredible. Previous research on common pool and debt spillovers in a monetary union point to an upward drift of public debt as countries join the EMU. Does this argument hold true? In order to find out, 25 OECD countries between the years of 1995 and 2010 are analyzed using System GMM Arellano-Bover/Blundell-Bond one-step estimator. The primary balance, the interest payments, and GDP growth are regressed respectively in order to see through what channel EMU displays its effect. One regression will cover the entire time period and another will only cover the years from 1995 to 2007 in order to isolate the effects of the current crisis. The results, based on the years over the entire time period (including the crisis) suggest that the effect of an EMU Membership goes via the Interest payments which it is connected to positively. By using the equation of debt dynamics, the fact that net debt interest payments are higher for a country within EMU indicates, all else equal, that they have on average higher levels of debt. Nevertheless, this realization might be a crisis phenomenon and the implication of this is not clear. However more importantly, the regressions based on the years of 1995 and 2007 (prior to the crisis) did not display any significant results. These results indicate that there is no significant relationship between a country’s membership in EMU and its level of debt prior to the crisis.

No description available.