No description available.

No description available.

A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et français. / Following the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied.

Cette thèse revisite l’histoire du projet panafricaniste, en s’inscrivant dans la dynamique intellectuelle actuelle qui, face à la mondialisation, vise à proposer des réponses adaptées aux problèmes politiques et économiques des nations africaines. Elle présente et analyse les personnalités et les grandes idées et courants idéologiques qui ont traversé cette histoire, mais elle se focalise tout particulièrement sur Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), grand panafricaniste dont le parcours et les idées demeurent dans l’ombre. Elle montre aussi comment, dans le contexte africain actuel de crise de leadership, ces idées peuvent s’insérer dans un renouveau panafricaniste. Cette thèse n’est cependant ni une étude de la politique mené par Nyerere en Tanzanie entre 1960 et 1985 ni une nouvelle histoire du panafricanisme. Elle participe simplement à la réflexion pour l’élaboration d’une politique panafricaniste globale, qui pourrait permettre de répondre aux enjeux socioéconomiques qui mobilisent les militants et les théoriciens panafricanistes en Afrique et au sein de la Diaspora. Cette réflexion s’appuie sur l’analyse d’un programme concret de solidarité panafricaniste transatlantique conçu par une association afro-américaine dénommé Pan-African Skills Project au début des années 1970 à partir de la vision de Julius Nyerere pour soutenir les efforts de ce dernier en matière de développement dans le cadre de la Tanzanie. / This dissertation revisits the history of the pan-Africanist project within the scope of the current intellectual trend, whose aim is to find appropriate solutions to tackle the problems of African nations in the globalized economy of today. It presents some African political figures whose ideas have shaped the history of Pan-Africanism while focusing more particularly on the theories of Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), a great pan-Africanist still out of the limelight. It also demonstrates how in the context of the current leadership crisis in Africa these ideas can contribute to a revival of Pan-Africanism. This dissertation however is neither a study of the policies implemented by Nyerere in Tanzania between 1960 and 1985 nor a rewriting of the history of Pan-Africanism itself. Its only aim is to contribute to the ongoing intellectual movement of activists and theorists of Pan-Africanism who are committed to building a comprehensive pan-Africanist policy. This study is based on the analysis of a programme of concrete transatlantic pan-Africanist solidarity designed by an Afro-American association named Pan-African Sills Project in the early 1970 relying on the vision of Julius Nyerere in order to support his efforts for the development of Tanzania.

Abstract not available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2000.

In 1996, Zimbabwean graphic designer Chaz Maviyane-Davies created a set of human rights posters which represent several articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, from what he calls an “African perspective”. In this study I investigate how Maviyane-Davies has constructed ‘African-ness’ and probe what he refers to as the “alternative aesthetic” that he is trying to create. I use a visual social semiotic approach to examine the discourses he draws on to re-image and re-imagine Africa and Africans in a manner that contests the stereotypical representations found in political, news and economic discourses about Africa, paying particular attention to the ways he uses images of the body. My analysis of the posters shows how complex and difficult it can be to contest regimes of representation that work to fix racialised and derogatory meanings. In response to the pejorative stereotypes of the black body, Maviyane-Davies uses images of strong, healthy, and magnificent people (mostly men) to construct a more affirmative representation of Africa and Africans. Significantly, he draws on sports, touristic, traditional and hegemonic discourses of masculinity in an attempt to expand the complexity and range of possible representations of African-ness. In so doing he runs the risk of reproducing many of the stereotypes that sustain not only the racialised and gendered (masculinist) representations of Africa, but also a sentimentalisation and romanticisation of a place, a people and their traditions. Apart from women in prominent positions, other conspicuous absences from these images include white people and hegemonic references to Western modernity. I do not believe he is discarding whites and modernity as un-African, but is rejecting the naturalisation of whiteness as standing in for humanity, and particular icons of Western modernity as significations of ‘modernity’ itself

[pt] A produção da banda Chico Science e Nação Zumbi ao longo dos anos 1990 marcou de maneira distinta o movimento manguebeat. A crítica social a questões referentes ao cotidiano de Recife e sua periferia, além da incorporação de elementos de cultura negra de herança africana, recuperam em parte essa marca indelével da produção cultural e musical da banda. Elegemos a perspectiva marxista e dirigimos nosso olhar a um interlocutor bastante vivo para os mangueboys à época, Josué de Castro, para analisar tal crítica de fundo social e político a partir de algumas composições musicais Em mesmo sentido, procuramos apreender a diáspora africana e as músicas do Atlântico Negro como forma de estabelecer o debate sobre questão racial que ultrapassa a produção cultural objetiva daqueles mangueboys e se estende ao cotidiano, ao vocabulário e as experiências dos mesmos. / [en] The musical production of Chico Science and Nação Zumbi during the 90 s was to important to manguebeat movement. The social criticism and daily issues regarding the city of Recife and periphery, besides the incorporation of black culture and african heritage elements, compose the distinct mark of the band musical and cultural production. We select Marxism and bring back an important interlocutor to mangueboys in 1990, Josué de Castro, to analyze the political and social criticism by some songs. In the same direction, the african diaspora and the sounds of Black Atlantic was to value as long as formed the debate of racial issue that is more the objective cultural performance oh the band. This debate also formed the daily of mangueboys, them vocabulary and them experiences.

[pt] Esse trabalho visa compreender como a ideia de direito de autodeterminação foi mobilizada nas obras de Kwame Nkrumah, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960. Considera-se que o autor fez uso de uma linguagem de direitos disponível ao longo do século XX e, ao priorizar a noção de direito de autodeterminação, conferiu a essa um sentido específico de crítica à colonização e reivindicação de independência para o continente africano. Problematiza-se os significados atribuídos por Nkrumah ao direito de autodeterminação a partir da consideração que essa linguagem de direitos estava em circulação e fora mobilizada por outros grupos pan-africanos e organizações internacionais como a ONU. Nesse sentido, também são analisados a Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, as Resoluções Finais do Congresso de Manchester, as Resoluções Finais da Conferência de Bandung, a Declaração de Concessão de Independência para os países e povos Coloniais, o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos e o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais. / [en] This work seeks to understand how the idea of right of self-determination was mobilized in the works of Kwame Nkrumah, between the decades of 1940 and 1960. It is acknowledge that this author made use of a language of rights available through the twentieth century and prioritized the notion of self-determination to criticize the colonization and to claim independence for the African continent. The meanings attributed to the notion of self-determination by Nkrumah are discussed considering that this language of rights were in circulation and had been mobilized by other pan-African groups and international organizations such as UN. So, during this work, it is also analyzed the documents: Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, Final Resolutions of Congress of Manchester, Final Communiqué of Afro-Asian Conference of Bandung, International Convention on civil and political rights, International Convention on economic, social and cultural rights.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

MAAS / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below