Since the end of the Cold War, the concepts of development and security and the rise of the security-development nexus has proven to be important and is increasingly used in policy documents by institutions and states. This thesis aims to provide insight on how security and development concepts and their nexus have been used in governments’ foreign policies. Previous research has been focused on multilateral organizations and aid officials and how they have been influenced by the security-development nexus, but a comprehensive analysis on what drives financial and political support has been limited. Therefore, there is a gap that this thesis aims to fill. Methodologically, this thesis uses a text analysis of policy frameworks published by the government of Sweden regarding aid, development cooperation and humanitarian assistance of the years 2013/14 and 2015/16. An abductive reasoning was made with the help of the chosen analytical frameworks in this study. This study concludes that Swedish policy frameworks are using redefinitions of the concepts security and development which results in more broaden use of the concepts. This use of the concepts creates clear policy frameworks, but the policy frameworks do in some passages not elaborate what kind of security that reinforces what kind of development or what kind of definition of security or development that it is referring to.  This leaves the reader with a great room for interpretation that could eventuate in many different outcomes and versions. Furthermore, security and development are presented as concepts which are mutually reinforcing each other and used in four different narratives, or nexuses, when mapping out the security-development nexus.

abstract: Nearly 11 million immigrants in the United States, three-quarters of which are Latino, lack legal authorization to live and work in the country; nonetheless, the majority of these individuals have resided in the U.S. for a decade or more and have profound social, emotional, cultural, and economic ties to the country (Passel & Cohn, 2018). Despite being deeply embedded in their communities, the dominant policy response involves increased immigration enforcement and advancing a hostile socio-political context (Gulasekaram & Ramakishnan, 2015). This policy approach comes at a great cost to immigrant and Latino communities throughout the U.S. and is largely ineffective. Accordingly, many advocates and stakeholders, including the National Association of Social Workers (2017), argue for policies that integrate “unauthorized permanent residents” (Martínez, Slack, & Martínez- Schuldt, 2018). The primary purpose of this study was to understand strategies that can be leveraged to build support for integrationist policymaking. Among a sample of U.S.-born white college students (n=708), intensive, community, and college contact with Latino immigrants and people of color were assessed; the relationships between intergroup contact and support for integrationist policymaking were examined. To better understand the contact-policy attitudes relationship, the deprovincialization hypothesis of the intergroup contact theory (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2011) and the Latino threat narrative (Chavez, 2013) were merged and tested as a serial pathway by which contact and policy attitudes may be related. Findings revealed intensive and community contact with Latino immigrants and people of color related to more support for integrationist legislation. In most cases, these effects were direct as well as indirect through the ethnocentrismthreat attitudes pathway. Ethnocentrism fully accounted for the relationships between intensive and community intergroup contact and threat attitudes. These findings have several implications for intervention. First, in the long-term struggle for immigrant integration, intergroup interaction between whites and people of color should be promoted, and the importance of casual intergroup contact should not be dismissed. Interventions that reduce social segregation are needed, as well as efforts to effectively harness the ethnic-racial diversity that presently exists. Cross-group exposure interventions that aim to overcome ethnocentric tendencies should be implemented. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Social Work 2019

This study explores the global health diplomacy phenomenon by focusing on how and why health is integrated into foreign policy. Over the last decade or so, precipitated primarily by a growing concern about the need to strengthen global health security and deliver on the Millennium Development Goals, foreign policymakers have been paying more attention to health as a foreign policy concern and several countries have adopted formal global health policy positions and/or strategies. To elucidate a deeper and clearer understanding of how and why health is integrated into foreign policy, this thesis used a case study research design that incorporated literature and document review and interviews with twenty informants to conduct an in-depth analysis of the United Kingdom’s (UK) Health is Global: A UK Government Strategy 2008-13. Health is Global represents the first example of a formal national global health strategy developed using a multi-stakeholder process. Briefer background case reviews of three nations that are leaders in global health diplomacy - Brazil, Norway and Switzerland, were also conducted to inform the analysis of the in-depth case. Policy analysis included categorizing data into five areas: context (why?), content (what?), actors (who?), process (how?) and impact (so what?). The Multiple Streams Model of Policymaking and Fidler’s health and foreign policy conceptualizations - revolution, remediation and regression - were used to analyze the findings. Based on this analysis, the primary reason that the countries examined have decided to focus more on global health is self-interest - to protect national and international security and their economic interests. Investing in global health was also seen as a way to enhance a state’s international reputation. In terms of self-interest, Brazil was an outlier, however. International solidarity and health as a human right have been the driving forces behind its long-term investment in development cooperation to date. Investing in health for normative reasons was also a prevalent through weaker theme in the UK, Swiss and Norwegian cases. The study highlighted the critical role that policy entrepreneurs who cross the domains of international relations and health play in the global health policymaking process. In regards to advancing a conceptual understanding of global health diplomacy, the findings propose that the whole-of-government global health policymaking process is a form of global health diplomacy. The thesis elucidated factors that underpin this process as well as lessons for other nations, in particular, Canada. While ascertaining the impact of national global health strategies was not the main objective of this thesis, the study provided an initial look at the impact of these policy instruments and processes. Such impacts include better collaboration across government actors leading to enhanced policy coherence and a more strategic focus on global health. Finally, some have argued of late that the global health revolution is over due to the current world economic crisis. Considering the level of interest in whole-of-government global health strategies and the ever growing and sophisticated world-wide global health policy community, based on this thesis, the global health revolution is alive and well.

This thesis investigates whether more open trade policymaking processes that include non-governmental entities, by virtue of the divergence of interests represented, lead to a stronger, more legitimate and qualitatively enhanced international trade system. The European Union stands out among major trading powers for its significant and dramatic response to new demands for access and participation. The thesis examines whether improvements in the political opportunity structure for ‘progressive’ Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) result in more legitimate external trade policymaking in the European Union (EU). Legitimacy is assessed along two lines: the way policy is made (procedural legitimacy) and the projected outcomes of policy (substantive legitimacy). The role of NGOs is evaluated in two important cases in the context of World Trade Organization negotiations since 2000. The first concerns the formulation of the formal European Communities’ (EC) position on trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and access to medicines. The second concerns the EC’s requests for water services liberalization in the context of General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) 2000 negotiations. Through a critical evaluation of the role of NGOs in these cases, the thesis argues that there is clear potential for NGOs to represent citizens’ demands, constitute a basic form of popular representation and hold decision-makers accountable to a broader public. However, they cannot determine policy outcomes in this arena. This thesis challenges a theoretical perspective on public policymaking called Cosmopolitanism. Grounded in democratic and normative theory, it conceives of Global Civil Society, and NGOs in particular, as major conduits for democracy and social justice in global and/or regional governance. The thesis builds upon the insights of Constructivism to advance an alternative account of the significance of NGOs in the EU’s external trade policymaking process. In particular, it argues that epistemes, the deepest level of the ideational world, dominate the external trade policymaking process. NGOs succeed only when their attempts to achieve more democratic, just, equitable and fair external trade policies in the EU conform broadly to the dominant legal/liberal episteme. When they seek to overrule that episteme, they fail, regardless of their formal involvement in the external trade policymaking process.

This thesis investigates whether more open trade policymaking processes that include non-governmental entities, by virtue of the divergence of interests represented, lead to a stronger, more legitimate and qualitatively enhanced international trade system. The European Union stands out among major trading powers for its significant and dramatic response to new demands for access and participation. The thesis examines whether improvements in the political opportunity structure for ‘progressive’ Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) result in more legitimate external trade policymaking in the European Union (EU). Legitimacy is assessed along two lines: the way policy is made (procedural legitimacy) and the projected outcomes of policy (substantive legitimacy). The role of NGOs is evaluated in two important cases in the context of World Trade Organization negotiations since 2000. The first concerns the formulation of the formal European Communities’ (EC) position on trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and access to medicines. The second concerns the EC’s requests for water services liberalization in the context of General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) 2000 negotiations. Through a critical evaluation of the role of NGOs in these cases, the thesis argues that there is clear potential for NGOs to represent citizens’ demands, constitute a basic form of popular representation and hold decision-makers accountable to a broader public. However, they cannot determine policy outcomes in this arena. This thesis challenges a theoretical perspective on public policymaking called Cosmopolitanism. Grounded in democratic and normative theory, it conceives of Global Civil Society, and NGOs in particular, as major conduits for democracy and social justice in global and/or regional governance. The thesis builds upon the insights of Constructivism to advance an alternative account of the significance of NGOs in the EU’s external trade policymaking process. In particular, it argues that epistemes, the deepest level of the ideational world, dominate the external trade policymaking process. NGOs succeed only when their attempts to achieve more democratic, just, equitable and fair external trade policies in the EU conform broadly to the dominant legal/liberal episteme. When they seek to overrule that episteme, they fail, regardless of their formal involvement in the external trade policymaking process.

This master’s thesis deals with the cultural diversity policies of Denmark and Sweden within the cultural sector. It attempts at explaining why these two “most-similar” scandinavian countries having in common the same cultural model, “the architect model”, opted for different policies when it came to cultural diversity: Assimilationism for Denmark and multiculturalism for Sweden. I show that though institutional and power-interest factors had an impact, ideas as “programmatic beliefs” (Sheri E. Berman 2001) or “frames” (Erik Bleich 2003) played the ultimate role. I evaluate their relative importance by analyzing the anthropological dimension of the countries cultural policies since 1969. The study confirms that at least in the cultural sector, Danish policies have been assimilationist and Swedish ones multiculturalist and proposes a new classification of terms.By investigating immigrants cultures, it fills a gap left by previous researchers working on a common Nordic cultural model.

<p>It has become popular for political scientists to discuss the transformation from government to governance and the networks’ greater influence on public policymaking. However, this debate lacks methodological, empirical and theoretical research about the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy. The main objective of this essay is to understand the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy through a case study of the governance network Leader Linné. The theoretical framework includes four analysis models about the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy that are analysed by five factors connected to representative democracy. Each model has a specific approach to the public policymaking in networks e. g. were the power lies, how the general interest is understood and the role of politicians. The essay is designed as a case study combined with interviews of participants from the network’s national, regional and local level. The result of the essay is that the relationship between the governance network and representative democracy is complemental, meaning that representative democracy makes the central decisions in society where secondary decisions are made through a combination of representative- and participate democracy introduced by Leader. In Leader Linné the general interest is formed at EU level and politicians have a managerial role.</p>

G.Čepas Elnininkystės marketingo strategijos kūrimas ir ūkio valdymas: Vadybos Magistro baigiamasis darbas / mokslinis vadovas prof. A.Garalis; Šiaulių universitetas, Vadybos katedra. – Šiauliai, 2007. – 54 p. Magistro darbe kuriama Č.Čepo ūkio marketingo strategija, išanalizuojamas ��kio valdymas, pagrindinė problema: kaip reikėtų sukurti ekonomiškai naudingą, gerai organizuotą, moksliškai pagrįstą ir paremtą pasauline praktika elnių auginimo verslo modelį viename Lietuvos ūkyje, siekiant didesnio pelno žemės ūkio srityje. Nagrinėjama įvairių Lietuvos ir užsienio autorių literatūra apie elnių, danielių auginimą, veisimą , analizuojama netradicinių aptvarų ūkių veikla. Savo darbe apžvelgiu tas išorines sąlygas, kurios labiausiai veikė ūkio veiklą, ir kokią įtaką jos turėjo plečiant rinką: besikeičiantys ekonominiai šalies rodikliai, politiniai-teisiniai sprendimai bei konkurentų veiksmai. Atlikta Č.Čepo ūkio SSGG analizė, išorinei ūkio analizei ištirti sudaryta anketa, nagrinėjami ūkių duomenys pagal pasirinktą temą. Gauti rezultatai patvirtina suformuluotą mokslinio tyrimo hipotezę, mažo našumo žemėse ir neefektyvaus ūkininkavimo ūkiuose tikslinga pereiti prie netradicinės gamybos – elnių ir danielių auginimo veiklos. Pateiktomis išvadomis ir pasiūlymais galės pasinaudoti Č.Čepo ūkio vadovybė, bei kiti panašaus pobūdžio ūkiai. / G.Čepas Marketing policymaking for deer farming and farm management: Magistracy work / scientific guide professor A.Garalis; Šiaulių University, Management department .-Šiauliai, 2007.-54 pages. Marketing policymaking for Č.Čepas deer farm is created in this work, analyzing of farm management, the main problem: how to create profitable, good managing, scientific reasoning and buttressed up by world experience deer farming business model in one Lithuanian farm, on purpose to make farm agricultural more profitable. I study conditions, which had most effects to farm activities, and what effect they had in increasing of market: changing national economy, politics-low decisions and competition in market. It was made SWOT analysis of Č.Čepas deer farm, questionnaire for study of external farm situation, explored records of farms according subject scheme. Work results confirm scientific researching hypothesis that it is proposing to make agricultural alternative business – deer and fallow deer farming in bad land and not effective managing farms. This researching notes can be used by managers of Č.Čepas and other Lithuanian deer farms.

This research focuses on carbon emission-reduction issues in an area where the government imposes emission-reduction policies on local manufacturers. Policymaking problems for the government and production planning problems for the manufacturers are investigated with Operations Research/Management Science (OR/MS) approaches. Two types of emission-reduction policies, including emission-cap regulation policy and emission cap-and-trade scheme, are addressed. We first discuss manufacturers' long-term strategic decision problem under the government-imposed emission-cap regulation policy. With the objective of maximizing the manufacturers' profits, Stackelberg game model is formulated to optimize their decisions on carbon footprint, wholesale price and retailer selection. The problem is proven to be NP hard and a hybrid algorithm is developed to solve the model. We then investigate manufacturers' medium-term production planning to minimize the total production and inventory holding cost, by considering emission-reduction constraints through technology selection, some of the technologies being green. The problems are shown to be polynomially solvable. Based on these results, we study the government's policymaking problems to maximize the social welfare of the area. Stackelberg game models are formulated to optimize the emission-reduction policies by anticipating manufacturers' operational decisions in response to the governmental policies. Hybrid algorithms are developed to solve the problems. For each studied problem, numerical analyses are conducted to evaluate the algorithms. The computation results show that the algorithms developed in this research are effective. Some interesting and valuable managerial insights are drawn from computational results and sensitivity analyses.

Climatic change has sparked a broad range of responses on all societal levels. New initiatives and negotiations, scientific findings, and technological developments, have established a novel framework for policymaking and industrial abatement investments. Lessons on the evolving framework should be analysed and utilised to handle the dynamic reality of climate policymaking processes. Governments in the majority of economies only have an indirect and long-term influence on reducing industrial emissions, as they do not own the emitting operations. As representing one-third of the global carbon dioxide emissions, industry is therefore a key stakeholder group in whether or not the political agenda will be fulfilled. How industry perceives that obstacles and opportunities affect investment calculi are thus important. Hence, policymakers should facilitate policy learning (PL) to aid the creation of effective and efficient political agendas. This is important to acknowledge the policy and investment experiences of industrial actors and to deal with a number of plausible investment obstacles identified under the novel framework. Taking stock of PL and other policy theories, this thesis is aimed to develop recommendations for facilitating PL and thus contributing to more effective and efficient climate policy frameworks. The results highlight the role of industry in abatement and political strategies where policymakers need to gain knowledge on how industries perceive abatement investment obstacles and how these may be bridged. The intrinsic learning values of government-industry negotiated agreements (NAs) are emphasised and a framework for operationalising PL through NA designs is developed. PL is furthermore identified as important, and NAs are recommended as a policy instrument, to fill knowledge gaps identified in two case-studies of promoting complex and novel industrial operations. This thesis also recommends a participatory policy evaluation tool that is sensitive to industrial competitiveness and establishes a forum for discussions on perceived investment obstacles and opportunities under different conditions. The results are not aimed to provide a blueprint for a comprehensive climate policy framework but as a contribution to literature and the incremental learning that this thesis strongly promotes.