The purpose of this research was to investigate the relationship between Education Acts and learner dropout at public schools within the South-Central education region of Botswana. Policy-related dropout Theories of Social Class and the hidden curriculum of work, as well as the Inclusive Education Policy were selected as suitable framework-settings for investigating the research problem. A comprehensive review of the literature revealed that the strategies used to implement the Basic Education Act, the Examinations Act, and Policies on Inclusive Education in Botswana diverge from their set stipulations and the current international trends in this regard. The research design used was a mixed-methods approach. Mixed paradigms of the positivists’ and the constructivists’ beliefs were used to conduct a concurrent empirical investigation. The reliability coefficient of the questionnaire instrument (non-demographic variables 1-26) was .985 (close to 1). All the measuring tools were pilot-tested. The sampling technique was stratified for the questionnaire, and was comprehensive for the qualitative instruments. Ethical issues were observed during the course of the study. The scores on the questionnaire showed that 68% of the 75 teacher respondents perceived that the improper implementation of the above-named Acts contributed to learner drop-out. The content analysis transcripts further indicated that 66% of the 28 interviewees linked learner drop-out to the improper implementation of the Acts. Additionally, 84% of the Biology teachers linked the teaching strategies being used to policy decisions. The interpretation of this study has to take note of the limitation discussed in the report. The conclusion drawn from the foregoing research findings is that the teaching-learning process in the public schools is defective in relation to its relevance to the learners, and the education goal. The study therefore recommended dropout tracking strategies by means of a greater synchrony between all the departments of the Ministry of Education Skills and Development (MOESD) as well as further comprehensive research to improve education practice towards curbing learner dropout. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aims to understand the processes and factors that explain the framing of HIV and AIDS policy in Botswana, South Africa and Swaziland. Africa remains the global epicentre of the HIV and AIDS epidemic with Southern Africa remaining the most affected region in the world. The investigation centres on the HIV and AIDS policymaking discourses and dynamics leading to the securitisation of the epidemic in the three countries. The central focus of the study covers the timeframe of the leadership of President Mogae in Botswana, President Mbeki in South Africa and King Mswati III in Swaziland. This period is important as it characterises the HIV and AIDS epidemic being elevated onto the political agenda of the respective countries. This dissertation relies on two strands of theoretical literature namely, public policy theory and securitisation theory to help explain the framing of policy decision-making that leads to the process of securitisation of the HIV and AIDS epidemic in the three countries. This study is a multiple case study within the qualitative research paradigm. This research is based on three case studies: Botswana, South Africa and Swaziland. As far as data collection is concerned, this study drew on primary sources of data, which consisted of documents obtained during the fieldwork from various stakeholders such as such as official government documents, as well as official documents from international and domestic HIV and AIDS organisations. Twenty semi-structured interviews were also conducted between 2007 and 2008 with various stakeholders including government officials, representatives of domestic and international HIV and AIDS organisations operating in the respective countries, researchers from think tanks and academics. In addition, eleven exploratory interviews were also conducted as part of the fieldwork process. Furthermore this study also relied on various secondary sources of data such as scholarly articles and books, official documents and legislation and newspaper articles. The preliminary results collected and analysed in this study suggest that Botswana, South Africa and Swaziland have all demonstrated a degree of formal commitment to adopting international guidelines to combat the epidemic. The thesis shows that while all three countries may share the burden of the epidemic, each presents a different political, social and cultural identity with different institutional architects (both foreign and domestic) that determined the nature of the response policy to the epidemic. The study shows that each of the three case studies presents an example of differing degrees of securitisation attempts: i) Botswana - successful securitisation; ii) South Africa - unsuccessful securitisation; and iii) Swaziland - partial securitisation because different actors and audiences are positioned at varying points along a spectrum of securitisation. This degree of securitisation can be linked to the acceptance of international ideas and the prevailing global discourse regarding the HIV and AIDS epidemic and the openness to forming collaborative agreements between state and non-state actors in each of the three countries. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om ’n begrip te ontwikkel van die prosesse en faktore wat verklaar hoe beleid rondom MIV en VIGS in Botswana, Suid-Afrika en Swaziland geraam word. Die Afrikavasteland is nog steeds die wêreld se MIV en VIGS-episentrum en die Suider-Afrika-streek loop die mees gebuk onder die epidemie. Die ontleding sentreer op die MIV en VIGS beleidsdiskoerse en die dinamieke wat aanleiding gee tot die beveiliging van die epidemie in die drie lande. Die kollig val op die tyd toe President Mogae van Botswana, President Mbeki van Suid-Afrika en Koning Mswati III van Swaziland aan bewind was. Hierdie periode is van belang omdat dit die tyd was toe MIV en VIGS op die drie lande se politieke agendas geplaas is. Die proefskrif gebruik literatuur uit twee teoretiese velde, naamlik openbare beleidsteorie en sekuriteitsteorie, om te verklaar hoe daar op bepaalde beleide besluit word, hoe dit geraam word, en die proses waarvolgens MIV en VIGS gevolglik in die drie lande beveilig word. Die studie is ’n meervuldige gevallestudie binne die kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma. Die navorsing is op drie gevallestudies gebaseer, te wete Botswana, Suid-Afrika en Swaziland. Ten opsigte van data-insameling, het die studie van primêre databronne gebruik gemaak bestaande uit bewysstukke wat van verskeie belangegroepe verkry is. Hierdie stukke beslaan amptelike regeringsdokumente en amptelike dokumentasie van internasionale sowel as nasionale MIV en VIGS-organisasies. Daar is ook met verskeie belangegroepe onderhoude gevoer. Die belangegroepe het bestaan uit regeringsamptenare, die verteenwoordigers van nasionale en internasionale MIV en VIGS-organisasies betrokke in die drie lande, akademici, en kundiges by navorsingsinstansies. Twintig semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude is in 2007 en 2008 gevoer. Boonop is daar as deel van die empiriese navorsing 11 verkenningsonderhoude gevoer. Die studie het ook van verskeie sekondêre databronne soos vakwetenskaplike artikels en boeke, amptelike dokumentasie, wetaktes en koerantartikels gebruik gemaak. Die voorlopige bevindinge dui dat Botswana, Suid-Afrika en Swaziland elkeen hulself tot ’n mate formeel tot internasionale riglyne verbind het om die epidemie te beveg. Die proefskrif bewys dat ofskoon al drie lande swaar aan die las van die epidemie dra, daar by elkeen verskillende politieke, maatskaplike en kulturele identiteite, asook institusionele argitekte (plaaslik sowel as buitelands) bestaan wat die aard van die beleidsrespons bepaal het. Die studie dui verskillende grade van beveiliging by elkeen van die gevallestudies: i) Botswana – suksesvolle beveiliging; ii) Suid-Afrika – onsuksesvolle beveiliging; en iii) Swaziland – gedeeltelike beveiliging. Hierdie grade van beveiliging kan verklaar word aan die hand van die mate waartoe daar by elkeen van die lande aanvaarding was van internasionale denke en diskoers oor die MIV en VIGS-epidemie en of samewerking tussen staats- en nie-staatsakteurs bewerkstellig is.

[pt] Narrativas da Governança Global: Idéias da ONU que mudaram o mundo como policymaking aborda a Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), organização internacional contemporânea, como um conjunto de práticas políticas. Seu objeto de estudo é uma coleção de livros, chancelada pela ONU, sobre idéias que mudaram o mundo em diversas áreas (Segurança, Desenvolvimento, Direitos Humanos) – o Projeto para uma História Intelectual da ONU (PHIONU). PHIONU apresenta a ONU como organização que aprende, capaz de inovar e exportar suas descobertas – produzindo ordem internacional para outros agentes sociais, no processo (governança global). Narrativas da Governança Global questiona criticamente essa afirmação – idéias da ONU mudaram o mundo. Informada por abordagens críticas das relações internacionais e sobre idéias, ela desvela narrativas contraditórias de governança na PHIONU. Ao invés de uma concepção simples de governança global, PHIONU é repleta de usos contraditórios de idéias. Elas são usadas para definir (algumas) práticas sociais como problemas e para autorizar (alguns) agentes sociais como solucionadores. PHIONU engloba uma cacofonia política. Apesar de incômodo, barulho não impede o ordenamento. Através de disputas políticas ambivalentes centradas em idéias, uma concepção específica do internacional é produzida, com a ONU como elemento central. Ela soluciona problemas dos estados, sem sofrer efeitos colaterais. Ela também leva demandas da sociedade civil, do plano doméstico para o internacional. Na caracterização da realidade social da PHIONU, a ONU, não-soberana, cujas práticas são frequentemente contestadas, torna-se quase onipresente. Ela transcende o espaço para aprender através do tempo e prever mudanças. Por um lado, PHIONU legitima a instituição da ONU (não-soberanos precisam de justificação extra). Por outro lado, a ONU como instituição é definida, legitimada via uma gramática de risco, ameaça, crise, tragédia. Ela é tornada um sujeito hipermoderno ajudando sujeitos modernos (estados, ONGs) a viver ordenadamente – governança. Depois dessa abordagem crítica, Narrativas da Governança Global expõe como PHIONU legitima a ONU via uma (aparentemente) simplista definição de idéias como commodities. Ao longo de suas metamorfoses, idéias usadas contraditoriamente conferem coerência à ONU – o mundo gira incessantemente, a organização permanece. Sabendo de antemão o que fazer para evitar problemas (alheios), a ONU não-soberana se torna a fonte autoritativa de governança, mediando níveis de atividade social. Global significa um arranjo ordenado de soberanos e não-soberanos com a ONU no meio – concepção territorializada e soberanista de um internacional reformado. Alegadamente orientada para o futuro, PHIONU extrai suas profecias do passado, recolocando mitos fundacionais conceituais. O contexto da produção da PHIONU é relevante. A ONU foi perturbada por mudança súbita, criticada por suas limitações e inadequação no pós-Guerra Fria. PHIONU provem respostas possíveis para críticas do passado recente, contando, retrospectivamente, como a ONU mudou o mundo adiante dos demais. Narrativas da Governança Global: Idéias da ONU que mudaram o mundo como policymaking enfoca como assertivas históricas são colocadas em movimento, questionando a perspectiva orientada pelo futuro da PHIONU, problematizando como práticas de produzir discursos sobre a História operam nas instituições. Adotando risco, ameaça, crise e tragédia como referências, PHIONU se afasta da Modernidade como crítica imanente, em prol da colonização do futuro. / [en] Narratives of Global Governance: UN ideas that changed the world as policymaking approaches the United Nations (UN), a contemporary international organization, as a set of political practices. Its object of inquiry is a collection of UN-sanctioned accounts of ideas that changed the world in several issue areas (Security, Development, Human Rights) – the United Nations Intellectual History Project (UNIHP). UNIHP presents the UN as a learning organization, able to innovate and to export its findings – in the process, producing international order for a variety of other social agents (global governance). Narratives of Global Governance puts this claim – UN ideas changed the world – under critical scrutiny. Informed by critical approaches to ideas and international relations, it unpacks contradictory narratives of governance running through UNIHP. Instead of a clear-cut conception of global governance, UNIHP is filled with conflicting uses of ideas. They are used to frame (some) social practices as problems to be solved, and to authorize (some) social agents as problem-solvers. UNIHP comprises a political cacophony. Despite unsettling, noise doesn t preclude ordering. Through ambivalent political disputes centered on ideas, a specific conception of the international is produced, with the UN as a pivotal element. It provides solutions to sovereign states problems, without partaking in side-effects. It also bridge civil society demands, from domestic settings to the international realm. In UNIHP-legitimated depiction of social reality, the UN, non-sovereign, whose practices are often contested, becomes quasi-omnipresent. It transcends space, in order to learn through time and forecast change. On the one hand, UNIHP legitimizes the institution of the UN (non-sovereign entities need extra justification). On the other hand, the UN as an institution is framed, legitimated, according to a grammar of risk, threat, crisis, tragedy. It is rendered a hyper-modern subject helping modern subjects (states, NGOs) live orderly. Governance follows. After its critical scrutiny, Narratives of Global Governance displays how UNIHP legitimizes the UN through a (deceptively) simplistic account of ideas as commodities. Across their metamorphoses, contradictory uses of ideas confer the UN coherence, as the world changes incessantly and the organization stands still. Knowing in advance what to do to avoid (others) problems, sovereign-deprived UN becomes the authoritative source of governance, bridging levels of social activity. Global stands for an ordered array of sovereigns and non-sovereigns, with the UN in-between – a territorialized, sovereign-informed account of a reformed international. Allegedly future-oriented UNIHP extracts its prophecies from the past, restating conceptual foundational myths. The context of UNIHP s production is relevant. After the Cold War, the UN was unsettled by sudden change, criticized for shortcomings and inadequacy. UNIHP provides a tentative answer to near-past criticisms, telling, retrospectively, how the UN changed the world ahead of the curve of the rest. Narratives of global governance: UN ideas as policymaking focuses how historical claims are made to work, disputing UNIHP s future-oriented perspective on grounds of how practices of making claims about History are worked in institutions. By adopting risk, threat, crisis and tragedy as referents, UNIHP departs Modernity as immanent critique, for the sake of colonizing the future.

Baigiamajame magistro darbe nagrinėjami marketingo strategijos formavimo etapai, prekybos įmonės santykių su vartotojais aspektai, bei atlikta rinkos analizė. Dėl vis agresyvesnės prekybos centrų plėtros, smulkiesiems prekybininkams darosi vis sunkiau konkuruoti. Todėl atsirado poreikis išanalizuoti marketingo strategijas ir nustatyti, kokie veiksniai skatina vartotojus rinktis mažas parduotuves, o ne didžiuosius prekybos centrus ir sukurti efektyvią marketingo strategiją, tinkančią mažoms parduotuvėms. Atlikta mažų parduotuvių, prekiaujančių statybinėmis medžiagomis, klientų ir vadovų apklausa, kurios rezultatais remiantis, sukurtas marketingo strategijos modelis plėtojantis mažų parduotuvių, prekiaujančių statybinėmis medžiagomis, verslą. Ši marketingo strategijos formavimo analizė aktualiausia mažoms parduotuvėms, prekiaujančioms statybinėmis medžiagomis, nes atskleidžiami šiam įmonių tipui būdingiausi bruožai. / The thesis focuses on marketing strategy formulation stages, aspects of the marketing company relationships with consumer protection, along with market analysis. Due to more aggressive development of shopping centres’, the small traders are finding it increasingly difficult to compete. Thus, there is a need to analyze the marketing strategies and identify the factors that encourage consumers to choose small shops rather than supermarkets, and create an effective marketing strategy that is suitable for small shops. Survey results of clients and managers of small shops, dealing with building materials, were taken as a basis for the development of marketing strategies model for small shops dealing with building materials business. This marketing strategy formation analysis is especially relevant for small shops which sell building materials, as it reveals the features mostly characteristic for this type of companies.

This study analysed the reporting of the debate over the Guggenheim Bilbao in the Basque nationalist newspapers Egin and Diario Vasco. I was looking at differences/similarities between the newspapers, and at how argumentation changed over time (1997/1998), drawing upon content analysis, discourse analysis of the ideological themes in the reporting and an indepth analysis of two editorials, one in Spanish and one in Basque. The content analysis confirmed that economy and Basque culture/identity were highly controversial themes; and that in 1998 the museum became more accepted. An analysis of rhetorical strategies e.g. quantification rhetoric for economic predictions; vagueness/evasiveness to portray the Basques' reception of modem architecture/art, permitted the examination of intragroup/intergroup models of interaction, strategies and underlying ideological dilemmas (Billig et ai, 1988). After the inauguration, Diario Vasco claimed that the museum was concerned with Basque modem art, while Egin maintained a cautious distance. The in-depth comparative analysis of political rhetoric in two Egin's editorials, reporting similar events in Basque or Spanish, confirmed that the use of these different languages involves different construction of the readership; and different strategies to convey communality between writer/reader. In the Basque language editorial, communality was cautiously constructed until an assertive we Basques stressed search of unity, differentiation, and sovereignty: conflict/differences between Basques were omitted, backgrounded or ironized, while differences with the Spanish foregrounded. In the Spanish editorial, an impersonal third person tone avoided using the rhetoric of we. Specific Basques were blamed for the repression of Basque secessionism. A dramatic tone suggested subtle criticism against ETA, yet implying that it was reasonable to include ETA among the human victims. The explicit nation state's deixis in the Spanish editorial implied Spain was the nation state. In the Basque context the nation state's deixis was ambiguous: we Basques might be used to address Basques beyond French-Spanish boundaries, suggesting a long-term representation/project that imagined Basqueness beyond its present-day administrative division or actual political influence. The implications of such fine detail differences were discussed.

The purpose of this research was to investigate the relationship between Education Acts and learner dropout at public schools within the South-Central education region of Botswana. Policy-related dropout Theories of Social Class and the hidden curriculum of work, as well as the Inclusive Education Policy were selected as suitable framework-settings for investigating the research problem. A comprehensive review of the literature revealed that the strategies used to implement the Basic Education Act, the Examinations Act, and Policies on Inclusive Education in Botswana diverge from their set stipulations and the current international trends in this regard. The research design used was a mixed-methods approach. Mixed paradigms of the positivists’ and the constructivists’ beliefs were used to conduct a concurrent empirical investigation. The reliability coefficient of the questionnaire instrument (non-demographic variables 1-26) was .985 (close to 1). All the measuring tools were pilot-tested. The sampling technique was stratified for the questionnaire, and was comprehensive for the qualitative instruments. Ethical issues were observed during the course of the study. The scores on the questionnaire showed that 68% of the 75 teacher respondents perceived that the improper implementation of the above-named Acts contributed to learner drop-out. The content analysis transcripts further indicated that 66% of the 28 interviewees linked learner drop-out to the improper implementation of the Acts. Additionally, 84% of the Biology teachers linked the teaching strategies being used to policy decisions. The interpretation of this study has to take note of the limitation discussed in the report. The conclusion drawn from the foregoing research findings is that the teaching-learning process in the public schools is defective in relation to its relevance to the learners, and the education goal. The study therefore recommended dropout tracking strategies by means of a greater synchrony between all the departments of the Ministry of Education Skills and Development (MOESD) as well as further comprehensive research to improve education practice towards curbing learner dropout. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

It has become popular for political scientists to discuss the transformation from government to governance and the networks’ greater influence on public policymaking. However, this debate lacks methodological, empirical and theoretical research about the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy. The main objective of this essay is to understand the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy through a case study of the governance network Leader Linné. The theoretical framework includes four analysis models about the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy that are analysed by five factors connected to representative democracy. Each model has a specific approach to the public policymaking in networks e. g. were the power lies, how the general interest is understood and the role of politicians. The essay is designed as a case study combined with interviews of participants from the network’s national, regional and local level. The result of the essay is that the relationship between the governance network and representative democracy is complemental, meaning that representative democracy makes the central decisions in society where secondary decisions are made through a combination of representative- and participate democracy introduced by Leader. In Leader Linné the general interest is formed at EU level and politicians have a managerial role.

This thesis deals with the topic of international arms trade. More particularly, it deals with the arms trade in three chosen countries - the United States, Sweden and Russia. In general, this work brings coherent data and analyzes the arms trade issue, especially in the countries chosen for this academic work. The aim is to present arms trade problematics of these three countries to the reader as well as to bring the valuable analyzes on the chosen topic and finally to compare the case countries in order to find the differences and common characteristics. The main goal of this thesis is to find the answers on the research questions. The two most important research questions are: What are the current trends and future of the international arms trade in the U.S., Sweden and Russia? How does the arms trade differ in these countries? The first research question is focused on present and future development of arms trade, on the other hand second one gives partially comparative nature to the thesis. The thesis is based on comparative case study method. Through the deep examination of this three case countries the work comes to the answers designed in the research questions. Thesis concludes the raising importance of the arms trade as the instrument of influence. In addition, growing of volume of arms...

Les villes sont au cœur de l’urgence climatique et elles sont fondamentales pour accélérer la transition vers un monde ‘carboneutre’. Aujourd'hui, les municipalités ne sont plus que de simples fournisseurs de services; elles doivent catalyser des transitions urbaines durables. La réalisation de villes durables est un défi extrêmement complexe car les exigences et le contexte changent constamment, plusieurs interdépendances dynamiques jouent un rôle crucial et il y a peu de possibilités d'apprendre par essais et erreurs. La signification même de ce qu'est une ‘ville durable’ est très vaste et basé sur des débats sociétaux très contesté. Bien que la société civile et les ‘entrepreneurs politiques’ jouent déjà un rôle important dans le contexte urbain et façonnent considérablement la façon dont les gens perçoivent la crise climatique; on ne sait pas encore comment ils peuvent répondre à des défis ‘super vicieux’ telle que l’urgence climatique dans le contexte urbain et comment les acteurs de la société civile peuvent contribuer à accélérer la transition vers des villes carboneutre. Souvent caractérisés par leur désir de maintenir une certaine indépendance vis-à-vis des institutions publiques, la question est de savoir comment les acteurs de la société civile occupent différentes positions vis-à-vis les institutions qu'ils cherchent à transformer, et les effets que ces différentes positions ont sur leurs contributions aux transitions urbaines durables. Si de nombreuses recherches ont été menées sur les entrepreneurs politiques ‘puissants’ associés aux systèmes dominant de nos sociétés, les ‘régimes’, on en sait beaucoup moins sur les entrepreneurs politiques issus de la société civile. Il est nécessaire d'améliorer notre compréhension de la manière dont ces derniers encadrent l'urgence climatique dans le contexte urbain et de la manière dont ils mettent à l'échelle leurs actions pour parvenir à une profonde et rapide décarbonisation du contexte urbain. La question de la thèse est: Comment est-ce que les entrepreneurs politiques issue de la société civile encadrent le problème de l'urgence climatique et comment mettent-ils à l'échelle leurs actions pour rapidement décarboniser le contexte urbain et accélérer la transition vers des villes carboneutres? La recherche est une étude de cas unique longitudinale et approfondie, sur une période cinq ans (2015-2020), qui reconstruit l'émergence de la Coalition climat Montréal; un organisme à but non lucratif qui vise à ce que Montréal atteigne la carboneutralité d'ici 2042, année du 400e anniversaire de la ville. La thèse mobilise le champ de recherche des théories de transition (Transition Theory) et des études en politiques publiques, pour mieux comprendre les efforts, actions et stratégies de la Coalition climat Montréal depuis sa création, au moment de l'accord de Paris COP21 de 2015. Basé sur un cadre théorique qui revisite la perspective multi-acteurs (MaP), l'accent est mis sur une meilleure compréhension des ‘actes’ des acteurs de la société civile qui visent à ‘gagner’ dans le champ d’action stratégique de la carboneutralité dans lequel ils opèrent à Montréal. La recherche met en relief leurs stratégies, comment elles ont émergé et se sont structuré à travers les années, ainsi que leurs capacités à influencer les processus d'élaboration des politiques publiques urbaines pour la carboneutralité et les processus de transition urbaine en général. Une attention particulière est portée au contexte; examinant comment (et dans quelle mesure) la nature ‘polycentrique’ de la gouvernance climatique et les caractéristiques des institutions municipales locales facilitent et contraignent les efforts des acteurs. Adoptant une stratégie d'analyse processuelle et abductive, la recherche révèle les stratégies entrepreneuriales des acteurs de la société civile qui cherchent à perturber le statu quo en faisant progresser des politiques publiques ambitieuses pour la carboneutralité urbaines, et le potentiel que de telles actions au niveau micro puissent provoquer des changements au niveau macro. Adoptant le rôle engagé d'un ‘chercheur-activiste’, j'explore les formes d'entrepreneuriat qui ‘tiennent tête’ aux acteurs et secteurs les plus puissant de notre société; enrichissant notre compréhension du rôle actif que certains acteurs de la société civile jouent afin d’ancrer la carboneutralité dans l’agenda des politiques publiques. Ce faisant, la thèse contribue à enrichir une notre compréhension nuancée de l’influence que certains acteurs de la société civiles ont sur la direction et la vitesse des transitions urbaine pour la carboneutralité, et la durabilité en général. D'un point de vue pratique, la recherche contribue à mieux informer les actions et les stratégies de la société civile concerné par l’urgence climatique, ainsi que le types de processus de politique publique climatique au niveau municipal qui peuvent effectivement accélérer les transitions urbaines vers la carboneutralité; contribuant au développement de ‘sagesse pratique’ pour l’action climatique locale. Fondamentalement, le potentiel des villes n'est pas de tout simplement adopter les cadres politiques internationaux, mais aussi de montrer comment d'autres voies alternatives venant des ‘marges’ sont possibles. Impliquant un important potentiel émancipateur, la ville en tant que site d'expérimentation socio-écologique radicale doit être encouragée et catalysée, plutôt que d’être simplement laissé au mirage d'une ‘économie verte’. / Cities are at the heart of climate emergency, and they’re fundamental if we are to accelerate the transition to a ‘carbon-neutral’ world. Today, municipal governments are no longer just service providers; they need to be catalysts for sustainability transitions. Achieving sustainable cities is a vicious problem as requirements are always changing, complex and dynamic interdependencies play a crucial role, there is no absolute right or wrong solution, and little opportunities exist to learn by trial and error. The very meaning of what is a ‘sustainable city’ is a very contested societal debate. Although civil society and policy entrepreneurs are already central actors in the urban context and considerably influence the way by which people think about the climate crisis; it’s not clear yet how they can respond to challenges of such magnitude as the climate emergency, and how they can contribute to accelerating the transition to a carbon-neutral world. While often characterized by their desire to sustain a certain form of independence from governments, it’s not yet clear how civil society actors occupy different positions vis-à-vis the institutions they try to transform, and the effects that these diverse positions have on their contributions to urban sustainability transitions. For instance, while much has been researched about powerful ‘regime’ policy entrepreneurs, much less is known about policy entrepreneurs emanating from civil society. There’s a need to enhance our understanding of how such actors frame the climate emergency in the urban context and how they scale their actions in order to achieve deep urban decarbonisation. The thesis question is: How do civil society’s policy entrepreneurs frame the climate emergency problem and scale their actions to quickly decarbonise the urban context and accelerate the transition to carbon-neutral cities? The research is a five-year in-depth longitudinal single case study that reconstructs the emergence of the Montreal Climate Coalition; a non-profit organization that aims for Montreal to achieve carbon-neutrality by 2042, year of the city's 400th anniversary. The thesis mobilizes the research fields of sustainability transitions and public policy studies to better understand the Coalition’s efforts, actions and strategies since the 2015 COP21 Paris agreement. Based on a conceptualised theoretical framework that revisits the Multi-actor perspective (MaP), the focus is to shed light on the ‘acts’ of civil society actors that aim to ‘punch above their weight’ in the strategic urban carbon-neutrality action field in which they operate, the way that they develop and deploy their strategies, and how this contributes to (and shapes) policymaking processes for urban carbon-neutrality; as well as overall urban sustainability transition dynamics. Particular attention is paid to context, examining how (and to what extent) the ‘polycentric’ nature of climate governance and local municipal institutions facilitate and/or frustrate the efforts of actors. Adopting a processual, abductive and transformation-based strategy of analysis that aims to generate ‘practical wisdom’ knowledge for urban sustainability science, the research reveals civil society’s entrepreneuring strategies that seek to disrupt the status quo by advancing ambitious urban carbon-neutrality policies, as well as the potential for such micro-level acts to bring about changes at the macro level. In this way, and by taking on the role of an engaged climate ‘researcher-activist’, I explore the forms of entrepreneurship that stand up to powerful actors and sectors in our society, enriching our knowledge of the active role that some civil society actors (can) play in setting the urban carbon-neutrality agenda. In doing so, the thesis contributes to enriching an ever more nuanced understanding of the influence that civil society actors can have on the speed and direction of urban sustainability transitions. From a practice-based perspective, the research contributes to better informing civil society’ actions and strategies, as well as the kind of municipal climate policy processes that can catalyze deep decarbonisation and accelerate the urgently needed urban sustainability transitions to carbon-neutral cities. Fundamentally, the potential of cities is not just to simply associate themselves with current international climate frameworks; but more critically, to show how other alternative pathways from the fringes of society are possible. Involving considerable emancipatory potential, the city as a site of radical socio-ecological experimentation needs to be fostered, and not just handed over to the mirage of a ‘green economy’.

This paper brings insight into the international regime on Disaster Risk Reduction and its responsiveness to gendered dimensions. More specifically, it investigates the translation from theoretical prescriptions to policy practices in the internationally operating United Nations Office for DRR (UNDRR). The aim of this paper is to study to what extent the central challenges and solutions in making DRR gender-responsive, as defined by scientific literature, are brought up in UNDRR policymaking. The extent to which they were mentioned in each unit of analysis (33 UNDRR publications) is systematically documented and all quotes are listed and used as a qualitative complementary element. Results show that there are substantially more mentions of solutions than challenges. Further, while some aspects such as women’s exclusion from decision-making and promoting their leadership receive substantial attention throughout the publications, the homogenization of women and men’s exclusion do not. In conclusion, the UNDRR has, to a varying extent, integrated the central challenges and solutions into gender-responsive DRR policymaking. In identifying these gaps, the study offers practical recommendations. It also provides a theoretical framework and a descriptive foundation of trends and patterns for future research.