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At the best of times, education policy implementation is a difficult and uncertain process. Taking this as a point of departure, the researcher advanced the hypothesis that education policy implementation in a society in transition: is accompanied by a fragmentation of the pre-transition coherence in interpersonal relations among policy actors; is affected by a heightening of value conflicts and the emergence of competing interpretive schemes; is influenced by the perceived self-interest of policy actors; is affected by changing power relationships and structural adjustments; and reflects a general weakening of interpersonal, cultural, and structural linkages that had evolved in pre-transition years. The Indian education system in South Africa was studied as an exemplar of a system located in a society in transition. The data collated by means of three research strategies - historical report, questionnaire, and structured interview - gave strong support to the hypothesis. In addition, they pointed to the significance of variables such as policy content and policy quality, political interference and pressure, bias and favouritism among senior officials, religious, sectional, and language loyalties of participants, and loss of job satisfaction and morale among policy actors. These findings were discussed against the background of relevant literature. This concluded in the development_gf a theoretical model to explain education policy implementation in a society in transition. Basically, the model suggests that socio-political struggles in the larger society tend. to be replicated in the micro-contexts of the education system, producing fundamental alterations in the interpersonal, cultural, and structural aspects of the system, a general weakening of system linkages, and a progressive de-coupling of system components. All these changes recursively impact on and are impacted on by policymaking and policy implementation processes and outcomes. These impacts, however, tend to occur in a non-standard, nonlinear manner. The theoretical underpinnings of the model emerge from general systems theory, modern social systems theory, chaos/ complexity theory, conflict theory, structuration theory, organisation change theory, and loosely coupled systems theory. Finally, the study concludes with general propositions relating to education policy implementation in a society in transition and a set of research and management-oriented recommendations. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Educational Management)

本研究探討1970年代末以降，智利、南韓與巴西三個新興市場國家，為何在面臨國際經濟自由化的相同政策挑戰時，會產生不同的短期政策回應。這些政策回應的差異最後更造成三國長期金改路徑的分歧。為解釋此研究問題，本研究整合國際與國內分析層次，就國際政策環境與國內政策過程及其產出兩部份，觀察制度否決點與政策關鍵行動者的互動，在長時間下對三國金融自由化改革造成的影響。 首先，本文根據三國金改在「步伐、範圍與程度」上的差異，建構三種不同長期金改路徑，即：「震盪-全面型改革」（shock-comprehensive reform）、「漸進-部分型改革」（gradual-partial reform）與「延緩-有限型改革」（delayed-limited reform）。這三種長期金改路徑的分歧，主要來自三國短期金改類型（即大幅改革、緩慢改革、無改革與改革倒退）變遷的累積。 其次，經由對三國進行個案導向的比較與貫時研究後，本研究除釐清三國長期金改路徑的演變轉折，也發現三國短期金改類型的變動，主要受到不同時期（1）政策關鍵行動者裡反對勢力否決力量的強弱，與（2）執政聯盟的政策取向係屬國家干預或市場導向，兩項因素組合變化的影響。 智利的個案研究結果顯示，1970-2000年智利的「震盪-全面型」金改，主要奠基於Pinochet軍政府，在1975-1989年成功開啟的大幅改革。1990-2000年，民主協定政府接替執政後，這種務實的新自由主義改革路線，透過憲政制度對威權勢力的保護設計，使民主協定政府因反對勢力否決力量強大，只能選擇繼續延續「Pinochet式」的經濟政策。 南韓的個案研究反映出南韓的「漸進-部份型」金改，主要係源自1980-1997年，執政聯盟內代表大財閥利益的韓國工業聯盟，對全面金融自由化的反對。該因素不僅使執政聯盟長期在國家干預與市場導向立場上反覆拉鋸，更導致南韓短期金改類型持續在大幅改革與大幅倒退間擺盪。1997年，南韓經歷嚴重金融危機衝擊，為原本「進退拉鋸」式的長期金改路徑帶來關鍵轉折的契機。 由於舊執政聯盟的結構，因政黨輪替瓦解，並由金大中總統主導的市場改革派控制，同時反對勢力否決力量轉弱，金大中政府因此能順利推動1998-2000年南韓金融體系的結構改革，最終促成過去「漸進-部份型」的長期金改路徑，出現重大轉變。 巴西的個案研究凸顯巴西的「延緩-有限型」金改，係源於政策取向與反對勢力否決力量兩因素，長期未出現發生大幅改革的條件組合。1961-1979年，反對勢力的否決力量由強轉弱，為推動大幅改革提供良好契機，但執政聯盟的政策取向多數時期卻為國家干預。 1985年以後，市場導向的政策取向逐漸在執政聯盟裡取得主導地位，但反對勢力否決力量反而在恢復民主體制後轉強。巴西推動改革的兩項重要條件未能配合，使其長期金改路徑始終無法脫離改革緩慢與延宕的狀態。迄Cardoso民主政府執政後，新自由主義的改革路線在執政聯盟裡取得主導地位，再加上反對勢力的否決力量相對轉弱，才促成巴西出現少見的大幅改革現象。 / The dissertation mainly explains why these three emerging markets, Chile, South Korea and Brazil, while facing the same challenge from the international economic liberalization since the late 1970s, have different short-term policy responses. These differences ultimately create the divergence among these three countries on the long-term financial liberalization reform. This research integrates the domestic and international level of analysis by focusing on two parts, the international policy environment and the domestic policy process and outcome, to observe the interaction between the institutional veto points and the key actors in policymaking and its impact on the financial liberalization reforms among three countries over time. First, this research constructs three typologies of long-term financial liberalization paths by their different reform “pace”, “scope” and “depth”. They are “shock-comprehensive reform”, “gradual-partial reform”, and “delayed-limited reform.” The divergence of these three long-term financial reforms is mainly accumulated by the change of three countries’ short-term type of reform (large reform, gradual reform, non reform and reform reversal) over time. Second, this research clarifies the evolution of the long-term financial liberalization paths of three countries by conducting comparative and longitudinal case-studies. It argues that the change of short-term type of reform is mainly influenced by two causes, i.e. the veto power of opponents among key actors in policymaking (weak or strong) and policy orientations of the ruling coalition (market-oriented or state intervention). The case of Chile shows that the “shock-comprehensive reform paths” during 1970-2000 is mainly based on the successful large financial reform of Pinochet regime from 1975 to 1989. The pro-Pinochet authoritarians checked the change of pragmatic neoliberal reform with the constitutional veto powers after the democratic Concertación government in office and kept Pinochet-style economic policies intact in the end. In South Korea case, the “gradual-partial reform paths” was from the big conglomerates’ (chaebols) opposition to the complete financial liberalization during 1980-1997. It brought the tug of war of ruling coalition’s policy orientation between market-oriented and state intervention, hence contributed to the oscillation of short-term financial liberalization reform types between large reform and reform reversal in South Korea. In 1997, the Asian financial crisis hit the economy of South Korea severely, and brought the turning point of the change of “gradual-partial reform path” in the past. The structure of old ruling coalition was collapsed due to the regime change and the takeover of President Kim Dae-jung, the market reform faction. While the veto power of opposition party was getting weaker, Kim Dae-jung administration was able to boost the structural reform of financial system in South Korean during 1998-2000, and ultimately contributed to the major change of “gradual-partial reform path”. In Brazil, the absence of the combination of policy orientation and veto power of opponents among key actors in policymaking, which may cause the large reform, was the main reason of its “delayed-limited reform”. During 1961-1979, the weakening opponents’ veto power opened the window of opportunity for the large reform, but failed due to the state-intervention policies adopted by the successive ruling coalitions most of time. After the advent of democratic era in 1985, the market-oriented policy was dominant in various democratic ruling coalitions. However, the strengthening veto power of opponents after the recovery of democratic regime became the obstacle of the actualization of reform policy. The mismatch of two causes which may contribute to the happening of large reform was not changed until Cardoso government in office. The neoliberal policy orientation of President Cardoso’s ruling coalition and the weakening veto power of opponents contributed to the rare large reform in the path of delayed and limited financial liberalization in Brazil.

Les biotechnologies, le réchauffement climatique, les ressources naturelles et la gestion des écosystèmes sont tous représentatifs de la “nouvelle politique de la nature” (Hajer 2003), un terme englobant les enjeux marqués par une grande incertitude scientifique et un encadrement réglementaire inadapté aux nouvelles réalités, suscitant de fait un conflit politique hors du commun. Dans l'espoir de diminuer ces tensions et de générer un savoir consensuel, de nombreux gouvernements se tournent vers des institutions scientifiques ad hoc pour documenter l'élaboration des politiques et répondre aux préoccupations des partie-prenantes. Mais ces évaluations scientifiques permettent-elles réellement de créer une compréhension commune partagée par ces acteurs politiques polarisés? Alors que l'on pourrait croire que celles-ci génèrent un climat d'apprentissage collectif rassembleur, un environnement politique conflictuel rend l'apprentissage entre opposant extrêmement improbable. Ainsi, cette recherche documente le potentiel conciliateur des évaluation scientifique en utilisant le cas des gaz de schiste québécois (2010-2014). Ce faisant, elle mobilise la littérature sur les dimensions politiques du savoir et de la science afin de conceptualiser le rôle des évaluations scientifiques au sein d'une théorie de la médiation scientifique (scientific brokerage). Une analyse de réseau (SNA) des 5751 références contenues dans les documents déposés par 268 organisations participant aux consultations publiques de 2010 et 2014 constitue le corps de la démonstration empirique. Précisément, il y est démontré comment un médiateur scientifique peut rediriger le flux d'information afin de contrer l'incompatibilité entre apprentissage collectif et conflit politique. L'argument mobilise les mécanismes cognitifs traditionnellement présents dans la théorie des médiateurs de politique (policy broker), mais introduit aussi les jeux de pouvoir fondamentaux à la circulation de la connaissance entre acteurs politiques. / Biotechnology, climate change, natural resources, and ecosystem management are all representative of the “new politics of nature” (Hajer 2003), a term encompassing policy issues with high scientific uncertainties, unadapted regulatory regimes, and acute political conflict. In the hope of diminishing these tensions and generating a consensual understanding, several governments mandated ad hoc scientific institutions to document policymaking and answer stakeholder’s concerns. But do those scientific assessments really help to generate a shared understanding between otherwise polarized policy actors? While it would be possible that these create inclusive collective learning dynamics, policy learning has been shown as being extremely unlikely among competing policy actors. Accordingly, this research documents the conciliatory power of scientific assessments using the Quebec shale gas policymaking case (2010–2014). In doing so, it mobilizes the literature stressing the political nature of science to conceptualize scientific assessment in light of a scientific brokerage theory. Empirically, the research uses Social Network Analysis to unravel the collective learning dynamics found in two information networks built from the 5751 references found in the advocacy and technical documents published by 268 organizations during two public consultations. Precisely, findings demonstrate that scientific brokerage can redirect information flows to counteract the divide between collective learning and political conflict. The argument mobilizes cognitive mechanisms traditionally found in policy brokerage theory, but also introduces often forgotten power interplays prominent in policy-related knowledge diffusion.

At the best of times, education policy implementation is a difficult and uncertain process. Taking this as a point of departure, the researcher advanced the hypothesis that education policy implementation in a society in transition: is accompanied by a fragmentation of the pre-transition coherence in interpersonal relations among policy actors; is affected by a heightening of value conflicts and the emergence of competing interpretive schemes; is influenced by the perceived self-interest of policy actors; is affected by changing power relationships and structural adjustments; and reflects a general weakening of interpersonal, cultural, and structural linkages that had evolved in pre-transition years. The Indian education system in South Africa was studied as an exemplar of a system located in a society in transition. The data collated by means of three research strategies - historical report, questionnaire, and structured interview - gave strong support to the hypothesis. In addition, they pointed to the significance of variables such as policy content and policy quality, political interference and pressure, bias and favouritism among senior officials, religious, sectional, and language loyalties of participants, and loss of job satisfaction and morale among policy actors. These findings were discussed against the background of relevant literature. This concluded in the development_gf a theoretical model to explain education policy implementation in a society in transition. Basically, the model suggests that socio-political struggles in the larger society tend. to be replicated in the micro-contexts of the education system, producing fundamental alterations in the interpersonal, cultural, and structural aspects of the system, a general weakening of system linkages, and a progressive de-coupling of system components. All these changes recursively impact on and are impacted on by policymaking and policy implementation processes and outcomes. These impacts, however, tend to occur in a non-standard, nonlinear manner. The theoretical underpinnings of the model emerge from general systems theory, modern social systems theory, chaos/ complexity theory, conflict theory, structuration theory, organisation change theory, and loosely coupled systems theory. Finally, the study concludes with general propositions relating to education policy implementation in a society in transition and a set of research and management-oriented recommendations. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. (Educational Management)

Zahlreiche Hoffnungen sind mit einer auf Pflanzen basierenden Wirtschaft, einer Bioökonomie, verbunden. Ob deren Weiterentwicklung den Zustand der Umwelt und die Wohlfahrt eines Landes verbessern kann, bleibt jedoch fraglich. Sich im Aufbau befindliche Bioökonomie-Monitoring-Systeme haben die Aufgabe, Informationen über Zielkonflikte zu liefern und somit eine erkenntnisgestützte Politikgestaltung zu ermöglichen. Das Ziel dieser Doktorarbeit ist es, Erkenntnisse für die Weiterentwicklung solcher Systeme zu gewinnen. Bisher entwickelte Bioökonomie-Indikatoren sind ungeeignet, den Übergang von einer fossil-basierten zu einer bio-basierten Wirtschaft korrekt abzubilden. In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden deshalb entsprechende Indikatoren entwickelt und am Beispiel der Biokunststoffproduktion in Deutschland gemessen. Damit leiste ich einen Beitrag zur systematischen Indikatorenentwicklung, zur Charakterisierung einer bestimmten Bioökonomie-Transformation und zur quantitativen Modellierung der Indikatoren. Zukünftige Bioökonomie-Monitoring-Systeme könnten davon profitieren, wenn die Indikatorenentwicklung noch stärker als Prozess verstanden wird, der eine Auseinandersetzung mit den Zielen und deren Messbarkeit umfasst, sich so lange wiederholt bis zufriedenstellende Indikatoren verfügbar sind und die wichtigsten Akteure einbezieht. Zudem ist ein stärkerer Fokus auf nachhaltige Bioökonomie-Transformationen erforderlich, die sich an einem kreislauf- und suffizienzbasierten Wirtschaften orientieren und den Substitutionsbegriff weiter fassen als bisher. Das hier entwickelte Biokunststoff-Modell könnte in Monitoring-Systeme integriert werden, wenn es um Kohlenstoffflüsse und Post-Produktionsprozesse ergänzt wird. Forschungsbedarf besteht beim Aufbau eines auf gesellschaftliche Bedürfnisse fokussierten Monitoring-Systems und bei der Wirksamkeit von Monitoring-Systemen in der politischen Entscheidungsfindung. / The relationship between bioeconomy transitions and sustainable development is not straightforward. For policymakers it is often difficult to keep track of bioeconomy developments and formulate appropriate bioeconomy-related policies that are also conducive towards sustainable development. Consequently, bioeconomy monitoring systems have recently been initiated to provide more reliable sources of information. There is a clear mismatch between the vision of a transition from fossil-based to bio-based economies and available indicators. I aim here to enhance current bioeconomy monitoring systems by developing and applying a set of appropriate indicators and providing insight into three key issues: 1) how indicators can be systematically developed, 2) what dimensions of an economy need to receive attention while monitoring transition from a fossil-based to a bio-based one, and 3) what kinds of quantitative models are suitable for this purpose. This study shows that it is possible to quantify the bioeconomy transition and measure it with systematically developed indicators, applied to plastics substitution. I conclude that, 1) developing bioeconomy indicators should be a process that is goal-oriented, iterative, and inclusive, 2) bioeconomy transition indicators need to exhibit advancement in the circular use of biomass and in sufficient consumption behavior, and 3) the model developed here can be integrated into bioeconomy monitoring systems but requires advances regarding carbon flows and post-production processes. Developers of bioeconomy monitoring systems should develop new indicators through stronger involvement of carefully selected stakeholders. Policymakers need to participate more actively in designing such systems and provide greater and more stable funding. Research could explore sectoral strategies to reduce environmental impacts while fulfilling societal needs, design related indicator sets, and assess their relevance for political decision-making.

This master thesis explores the shifting paradigm in conservation, moving away from the myth behind the preservationist approach that separates humans from nature towards a more inclusive conservationist approach. The study focuses on the role of Indigenous Peoples in this evolving paradigm and examines factors that influence their ability to participate in and influence conservation debates and policies. The research draws on qualitative exploratory methods, including interviews with Indigenous Peoples and experts in the conservation field. Thirteen factors emerged from the thematic analysis, namely: legal recognition, law enforcement, political representation, awareness, external support, community building, capacity-building, connection across Indigenous communities, economic inclusion, public attention, protests, advocacy, and intimidation. The findings emphasize the need for a systemic and inclusive approach to conservation policymaking that incorporates cultural diversity and respects the rights, perspectives and agency of Indigenous Peoples. Ultimately, the conservationist approach, and particularly the effective inclusion of cultural diversity in conservation debates and policies, can enhance society's capacity to protect and sustain natural resources and biodiversity for current and future generations, aiding our sustainability journey in its ecological and social sides.