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本論文之研究目的在探討對外援助對台灣的重要性，並以南韓作為比較分析，因兩國有高度相似的援外發展歷史。台灣與南韓已成功由受援國躍升為援助國，此研究著重於其近十年來的援助情形，目的是了解台灣援外的優劣勢以提供未來發展的展望。作者採用質性研究方法，邀請台灣援外的從業人員以及外交學者進行半結構式訪談。結果顯示，外交是台灣的首要關注，然而南韓則是出自經濟利益考量，鎖定特定的開發中國家。台灣擁有成功的發展經驗和優秀的人力資源，但是也面臨難解的困境，像是對邦交國的過度在意、衰退的經濟、以及兩岸關係的起伏跌宕。藉由解析南韓的援外狀況與專家訪談的回饋，研究者提供以下建議，企盼為台灣援外帶來改變的契機:建立多面向的援外系統、尋求商業機會、促進公私部門合作、穩定台海關係、帶動經濟復甦、創造雙贏的援外模式。 / This study intended to identify the importance of foreign aid to Taiwan while South Korea served as a benchmark due to their high-level of similarity in developmental history. The focus was their donor behaviors in recent years and a literature review was conducted to understand related concepts and the two nations’ aid experiences. The goal of this project was to examine the advantages and disadvantages of Taiwanese aid so as to look into its future prospects. A qualitative method was adopted through semi-structured interviews with diplomacy professors and aid practitioners. South Korea pivots to certain developing countries for their economic value, while diplomacy has been Taiwan’s top priority. Developmental success and human resources are Taiwan's strengths but its overemphasis on diplomacy, deteriorating economy, and wavering ties with China cause obstacles. A review of South Korean aid along with the interviewee’s response suggest several ways to improve: building a multidimensional aid system, seeking economic opportunities, forming public-private partnerships, stabilizing cross-strait ties, boosting economic recovery, and pursuing a win-win. The research findings shed light on Taiwan’s aid conditions and offer valuable policy recommendations.

新自由主義興起帶動全球市場自由化及勞動市場彈性化，各國企業為降低成本，紛紛由國外引進廉價勞動力，而亞洲國家採取之外勞遷移規範皆為限制嚴格的差別排除模式，惟面對將來大量移工可能回流亞洲，外勞在亞洲長期遭受歧視及違背人權的管理模式是否能夠改善受到國際關注。 我國為了因應國際趨勢及改善不肖仲介業者仗著聘僱管道優勢剝削外勞，並減輕外勞及雇主在聘僱程序上之經濟負擔，於2007年成立直接聘僱聯合服務中心，提供雇主另一引進聘僱外勞之管道，並將外籍勞工引進之手續簡化，引進時程縮短，達到雇主及外勞雙贏。惟調查顯示，僅有半數雇主知道直接聘僱制度，曾使用此制度之雇主比例最高也僅有兩成，根據本文訪談外勞雇主發現，雇主對於此制度尚不熟悉，也不清楚其目的及內涵、直接聘僱選工系統資訊少且配套不足、流程繁瑣、無後續管理服務等皆影響雇主使用直接聘僱制度。 對比與我國直接聘僱制度相似的南韓僱用許可制度，主要在於南韓將外勞仲介排除、政府有效限制外勞人數、外勞自身所需條件、後續管理之規定等皆有明顯不同。 透過文獻整理、訪談及比較南韓制度發現，我國直接聘僱制度仍宣傳不足，引進流程及後續管理皆有待改善，因此，建議我國直接聘僱制度應大量使用媒體、文宣進行宣傳、納入本文雇主建議事項、簡化外勞聘僱流程、讓外勞聘僱資訊更加透明化、建立外勞資訊整合服務平台並以南韓僱用許可制度為借鏡，使直接聘僱制度更為便利及人性化，並讓直接聘僱制度之使用率提升以達成制度建立之目的。

受到1997年亞洲金融危機以及區域經濟整合的趨勢之影響，重視對外貿易的韓國在1990年代後期開始尋求透過自由貿易協定（Free Trade Agreement, FTA）拓展海外市場，而隨著世界貿易組織（World Trade Organization, WTO）回合談判的停滯，韓國更強調利用FTA增加韓國出口的競爭力。本文主旨在於探討韓國FTA策略的發展，本文首先將檢視韓國在金大中、盧武鉉、李明博三個總統在任期內的FTA政策，並剖析這些期間內影響韓國FTA政策的各種國內外因素。接著，本文將以韓國－歐盟FTA作為個案探討，分析韓國與歐盟簽訂此FTA的主要動機以目的，以及兩方在FTA中所各自重視的進出口部門。最後，透過韓國與歐盟在FTA生效前後的進出口貿易狀況，本文將分析韓國－歐盟FTA對於兩方所帶來的利弊得失，檢視其成效是否符合韓國在該FTA簽訂前之評估，並討論FTA為韓國所可以實際帶來的經濟效益。

為了解南韓金大中政府自1998年起對北韓所採取的「陽光政策」，在國際、國內政治環境變遷後可能的發展與衝擊，本論文分別就「陽光政策」施行前後，分析兩韓關係在政治、經濟、軍事關係上實質的改變。除此之外，並同時探討美國在南北韓關係上可能造成的影響，及「陽光政策」對於美國與南韓之間關係的重要性。 透過靜態的比較與動態的分析，筆者認為，「陽光政策」的施行確實對南北韓關係、美國與南韓關係造成影響，且隨國內、國際環境的變遷，此一政策的發展將因美國、南韓在政治、經濟、軍事等的不同考量下，有更多的分歧與不協調的可能。然而，可以確定的是，2002年底南韓新任總統盧武鉉的就任，使「陽光政策」將持續施行，但美國與南韓之間，勢必需要有更多的磨合與折衝，才有可能獲得理想中的平衡，並能有效的改善與維持南北韓的關係。

日本與朝鮮半島的關係發展，在二次大戰之後始終受到歷史因素的影響，儘管日本與南韓在1965年建交，兩國關係仍稱不上友好。不過日本與南韓在1998年發表聯合宣言，宣示將建立面向未來的伙伴關係之後，兩國關係進入自1965年建交以來的高峰期，兩國交流一時間為之大盛。然而兩國的友好關係在小泉於2001年上任之後面臨危機。2001年小泉純一郎以其超高人氣獲選自民黨總裁進而成為首相，政治風格與過去首相大異其趣，其新保守主義傾向及欲使日本成為正常國家的願望都刺激南韓對過去歷史的慘痛回憶，使得歷史爭議在小泉任內成為阻礙兩國關係發展的主要因素。此外北韓飛彈試射與核武計畫也對日韓關係產生影響。小泉為後冷戰時期在任最久的一位首相，因此研究其任內日韓關係的發展及影響變數，應可協助瞭解日韓關係的本質及預測未來的變化。 本文將於第一章首先簡單介紹過去歷史中日本與朝鮮半島關係發展的糾葛，而到了小泉上任之前兩國已漸能朝向伙伴關係的建立為發展目標，其次將說明本論文的研究動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、研究方法與途徑以及論文架構安排等。第二章則討論小泉政府的外交政策與對外特徵。首先探討日本傳統對外政策的特徵，其次再由小泉所發表的就職演說、國會施政演說，與小泉任內所任用之外務省大臣、外交青書、防衛白書等來分析小泉首相個人特質及其對國際情勢之看法，以及對外政策的主要重點，第三在朝鮮半島政策方面，則希望藉由小泉個人所發表談話與國際環境的變化來分析小泉政府的朝鮮半島政策，且與過去日本的朝鮮半島政策有何異同。第三章將分析小泉時期的日韓安全關係發展，首先在1998年日韓雙方的友好宣言中曾經協議日韓雙方將定期舉行海上搜救演習，與軍事方面的合作會議，因此將討論雙方在小泉時期是否繼續進行友好宣言中所承諾的軍事安全合作行動，而這些又會否受到其他因素影響而延後、暫停或是提高層級，其次將討論北韓屢次的挑釁行為，以及北韓與日本、南韓之間的互動，將對日韓安全合作帶來何種影響，另外本章也將研究美國與中國對日韓發展安全關係有何影響。第四章為介紹小泉時期之日韓政治關係發展，小泉時期主要引發日韓政治關係惡化的因素有歷史爭議、參拜靖國神社事件、北韓問題等，將逐一介紹這些因素以及產生何種影響。第五章分析小泉時期的日韓經濟關係發展。本章將首先探討日韓雙方的貿易往來與相互投資，藉由日本經濟產業省、外務省及南韓外交通商部等公布的官方統計數據來分析雙方的經濟互賴程度，對雙方關係有何影響，其次討論經濟專屬區（EEZ）的劃界爭議，最後分析日韓建立自由貿易區的可能性，且對日韓的經濟關係有何影響。最後第六章為結論，綜合歸納出小泉時期的日韓關係發展大致走向與特徵，並嘗試推論出日韓關係發展的正負面因素各為何，對往後的日韓關係發展可能又會產生何種程度的影響，與未來的日韓關係可能會呈現何種態勢。 / The relation between Japan and Korean Peninsula was affected by historical factor after the World War II. Though Japan and South Korea have built the official relationship since 1965, their relation was not quite very well. Japan and South Korea signed the joint declaration and vowed to creat the future-oriented relationship. Thus the relationship between Japan and South Korea reached the peek. The exchange of these two countries became vigorous at that time. However, the friendship between the two countries faced the crisis when Koizumi assumes office in 2001. Koizumi’s personal style has totally different from the prime minister in the past. His neo-conservative prospect and efforts to make Japan a “normal state” reminded South Korea people those painful memories about the invaded past. In addition, North Korea’s nuclear weapon plan and missile test also influenced the relation between the two countries. Koizumi’s tenure was the longest one in the post-cold war era, hence it may helpful to understand the essence of the Japan-South Korea relations and predict the future by studying the development and variables in Koizumi’s tenure. The thesis mainly focuses on the development of Japan-South Korea relations during the Koizumi period and being divided into six chapters. Chapter one is consisted of research motive, purpose, scopes methods, limits and the background of the Japan-South Korea relations in the past. Chapter two is going to conclude the speeches, diplomacy white papers and other official papers delivered by Koizumi or his government in order to analyze Koizumi’s personality and his international prospective. Chapter three discuss the development of their security relation, including their actual military exchanges, and North Korea threat, U.S. factor and China factor would also be discussed in this chapter. Chapter four included the most controversial issue in the political dimension, including historical disputes, territorial conflict and North Korea factor. Chapter five is about the economic corporations, like deepening trade and investment interdependence, Japan-South Korea free trade agreement. But it is worthy to notice that if the unsettled Economic Exclusive Zone boundary dispute is going to be the obstacle in the bilateral partnership. In Chapter six, conclusion is made and figures out which factor is beneficial for Japan-South Korea relations and which is detrimental for the bilateral relations. Further, I would try to predict how those factors work in the future and the development of the Japan-South Korea relations in the post-Koizumi era.

由於台灣與南韓近期的政權與溝通的更迭，兩國國內的政治焦點 又再次轉向正義，尤其是針對在獨裁政權統治下，受到迫害的人民而 言的歷史正義。雖然台灣與南韓在二十世紀時，都經歷了相似的政治 進程，但兩國在處理政治轉型前的人權迫害問題，即所謂的轉型正義 的方法卻不盡相同。在南韓，轉型後的政府開始推行一系列的政策， 包括成立真相委員會、審判兩名前任總統、為國家暴力的受害者建立 多重補償法案。相對的，台灣政府的作法則較為零碎，使用相對消極 的方法尋找真相、提供戒嚴時期的受害者賠償、目前則處理長久以來 具有爭議性的國民黨黨產問題。本論文將檢視此兩個東亞「第三波」 民主國家，在處理轉型正義的問題上（亦即尋求真相與責任歸屬）為 何會採用兩種徹底不同的解決之道，並對不同解決方式背後的環境、 歷史、制度下的原因提出疑問；接著探討南韓政府這看似合理的做法 為何僅是紙上談兵，究竟有何欠缺。針對兩國的轉型正義議題，本論 文試著提出一項溫和的轉型正義推動政策，以滿足受害者對於真相、 對於平復的渴望，以促進兩國內部對立團體的和解。

中國與南韓正在從事自由貿易協定之洽簽程序，本篇論文的目的即在於評估其經濟效果。本文應用多國多部門之一般均衡模型，模擬二國農工商品完全自由化在靜態及考慮資本累積之動態效果。 實證效果顯示，上述二種模擬情境下，中國與南韓的整體社會福利都有正面效益，因此本文建議中韓應儘速完成可行性研究階段並開始諮商。如此，中國可以早日扮演建立東亞經濟整合的領導角色，而南韓也可以享受中韓自由貿易協定加上美韓自由貿易協定所產生之綜效。 目前亞洲任何一個已形成或是正在洽簽的自由貿易協定皆不包含台灣，故台灣應積極參與多邊體系下的貿易談判，以減低自由貿易協定所帶來的歧視，並應採納多樣化的協定而非拘泥於自由貿易協定之形式。同時應優先考量可以避免中國政治壓力及可擴大台灣經濟利益的議題，例如：雙邊投資協定及避免雙重課稅協定，以為洽簽正式之自由貿易協定鋪路。 關鍵字：中國、南韓、自由貿易協定、多國多部門之一般均衡分析 / China and South Korea are in the process of pursuing a free trade agreement. The purpose of this study is to assess its economic effects. The paper employs CGE models and the GTAP database to conduct a simulation with full elimination of tariffs in all sectors. Two CGE models are used. One is a static CGE model that captures the short-run effects, and the other captures the static effects as well as the capital accumulation effects arising from higher savings and investment induced by the static gains. The study finds that both South Korea and China will enjoy the welfare gains from the deals. We suggest that China and Korea complete feasibility studies and start the negotiation process at the earliest possible time for the purposes that China can play a leading role in building an East Asian economic integration and that Korea can enjoy the effects of multiple FTAs due to the Korea-China FTA plus Korea-US FTA. In addition, none of the bilateral agreements in Asia includes Taiwan. Taiwan should aggressively engage in trade negotiations under a multilateral system to decrease the discrimination caused by the free trade agreements and adopt diversified forms of agreements instead of focusing on “FTAs” only. Besides, Taiwan should prioritize the issues that can avoid the political pressure from China and expand Taiwan’s economic benefit, such as Bilateral Investment Agreement and Double Taxation Agreement, in order to pave the way for a formal FTA. Key words: China, South Korea, Free Trade Agreement, GTAP

進入21世紀以來，隨著經濟全球化和地區經濟一體化的深化，中國推動韓半島政策，對外戰略而言含有諸多作為：第一、謀求擴大經濟利益；第二、作為地緣經濟戰略夥伴；第三、作為主導東北亞地區地緣經濟合作的管道。 為此，中國著眼於中、韓、朝三方的國家發展需求和地緣經濟互補性，謀求加強與南北韓政治經濟合作的發展，同時，以三方之間地緣經濟合作優勢確保其在韓半島的影響力，在此基礎上，中國謀求消除韓半島安全不確定性，牽制美國影響力和日本勢力。從此觀點來看，中國對韓半島政策就是中國對外戰略的出發點。 從地緣經濟戰略觀點而言，中國與韓半島關係不僅與中國營造發展經濟良好周邊環境有關，而且中國在中韓、中朝關係上具有政治經濟合作利益空間，因而中國加強與南韓政治領域合作交流，透過以經濟條件拋棄北韓邊緣政策，謀求維持韓半島和平與穩定。另外，中國利用與韓半島地緣經濟所長，加強與南北韓經貿合作，深化南北韓對中國經濟依存度，進而通過中國對南北韓的經濟優勢，主導中韓、中朝的地緣經濟合作，確保對韓半島的戰略優勢與影響力。 中國對韓半島政策的目標，將韓半島作為中國發展經濟戰略的管道，謀求地緣經濟利益最大化，透過提升在韓半島的影響力，使得韓半島走向中立化。中國對韓半島實施地緣經濟政策以來，中國與南北韓關係日益密切，在某種領域上，中國已經超越周邊大國的影響力。 在政治與安全領域，中國與南北韓透過領導人和高層人士進行頻繁互訪、建立相互對話機制或設立熱線管道，提高相互信任，加強雙方關係、謀求地區安全和發展。在經濟上，中國引進為自身經濟建設所需要的資金、高技術及礦物資源，而提供為南北韓經濟成長所需的巨大出口市場，尤其是中國也提供北韓經濟所需的原油和工業產品。由此，最近幾年來，中國成為南北韓對外貿易最大夥伴，與此同時，引起南北韓經濟對中國依存度的深化，因而，中國對韓半島的影響力正在擴大。 / Since the start of the 21st century, with constant intensification of the process of economic globalization and regional economic integration, China has pursued much-evolved Korean Peninsula policy for its own strategic goals as following: First, to strengthen its own economic interest; Second, to make the geoeconomic partnership with the two Koreas; Third, to make the partnership as the leverage for regional strategy. For the sake of securing economic common interest and geoeconomic complementarities with the two Koreas, China seeks to develop the cooperative relationship with North and South Korea. At the same time, China seeks to ensure its influence on the Korean Peninsula by using its geoeconomic advantage on the Korean Peninsula. Based on the relations, China hopes to remove the destabilizing factors in the security on the Korean Peninsula, and seeks to restrain American influence and Japan’s power. From this viewpoint, China’s Korea Policy is the starting point of China's foreign policy. From the perspective of geoeconomic strategy, the relationship between China and the two Koreas are much important with regard to building favorable environment for economic development. At the same time, the relations of China-South Korea and China-North Korea have economically and politically beneficial space. Therefore, on the one hand, China has been strengthening political cooperation with South Korea, and China has been forcing the North Korea to abandon the brinkmanship diplomacy by using economic inducements through cooperation with South Korea. As a result, it was designed for maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, by utilizing the geoeconomic advantage with the two Koreas, China has strengthened the economic cooperation with the two Koreas; it has deepened the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China; As a result, it has been taking the lead in geoeconomic cooperation with the two Koreas; and it has been securing its strategic advantage and influence over the Peninsula. The objective of China’s Korea policy is to make the Peninsula be the ditch of China’s economic development; to maximize its geoeconomic interest; besides, to make the Koreas become neutralizing by taking advantage of geoeconomic influence. Since the implementation of China’s geoeconomic policy on the Peninsula, its relations with the two Koreas have become much closer. In some realms, China surpassed neighboring big powers’ influence. In the realm of politics and security, China has pursued the mutual confidence building by the means such as reciprocal visits, mutual dialogue mechanism and hot-line setting with the leadership of the two Koreas for the sake of strengthening of the bilateral relationship and securing of the regional security. And, in the realm of economy, while China brought in investment and high technology from the South side and the mineral resources from the North side, it provided the huge export market for the Peninsula, especially the crude oil and industrial products for the North. Recently, China has become one of the two Korea’s biggest trade partner. Consequently, the two Koreas’ economic dependency on China has been deepening and China’s influence on the Peninsula has been expanding.

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