Since the end of the Cold War, the concepts of development and security and the rise of the security-development nexus has proven to be important and is increasingly used in policy documents by institutions and states. This thesis aims to provide insight on how security and development concepts and their nexus have been used in governments’ foreign policies. Previous research has been focused on multilateral organizations and aid officials and how they have been influenced by the security-development nexus, but a comprehensive analysis on what drives financial and political support has been limited. Therefore, there is a gap that this thesis aims to fill. Methodologically, this thesis uses a text analysis of policy frameworks published by the government of Sweden regarding aid, development cooperation and humanitarian assistance of the years 2013/14 and 2015/16. An abductive reasoning was made with the help of the chosen analytical frameworks in this study. This study concludes that Swedish policy frameworks are using redefinitions of the concepts security and development which results in more broaden use of the concepts. This use of the concepts creates clear policy frameworks, but the policy frameworks do in some passages not elaborate what kind of security that reinforces what kind of development or what kind of definition of security or development that it is referring to.  This leaves the reader with a great room for interpretation that could eventuate in many different outcomes and versions. Furthermore, security and development are presented as concepts which are mutually reinforcing each other and used in four different narratives, or nexuses, when mapping out the security-development nexus.

The research is a field case study deployed in Samburu County, Kenya in the villages of Baragoi. The objective is to enrich the debate about peacebuilding and in particular about the security-development nexus, its articulations and actors at local level. The theorization of the security-development nexus is part of the debate regarding the way of implementing effectively peacebuilding policies (Nilsson and Taylor, 2016). The academic debate has mainly related and investigated the nexus at its international and national sphere. Moreover, when it comes to local level, only few field studies have brought up an in depth analysis of its local articulation and local actors. Therefore, this study aims at providing new evidences in relation to three main topics; first to enrich the knowledge of how development and security are conceived at local level; then, the research intends to understand if there are actors other than the national government, able to deploy security and development programs; and finally, study how their relationship is perceived at grassroots level. By understanding firstly how development and security are conceived on the ground, observation and interviews are carried out in order to understand the perception of the security-development nexus and the actors identified as influencing security and development in Baragoi, Kenya. The findings show a definition closely related to human development and human security and especially an overlapping with security and peace. The humanized definition of security and development allows more actors to be involved and therefore several non-state actors have been identified as legitimate providers of development and security in Baragoi where state presence is minimum. Moreover, their perception of the nexus shows an interdependence where both security and development are stressing issues that influence each other, however it is also possible to identify a one-way relationship where security is perceived as vital is Baragoi and by ensuring security, development will come automatically.

[pt] Nas últimas décadas a Cooperação Sul-Sul tem se intensificado substancialmente acompanhando o processo de crescente atuação das potências emergentes no cenário internacional pós Guerra Fria. Tal intensificação tem gerado debates na disciplina das Relações Internacionais acerca do papel desses atores com importante destaque à observância dos desafios pertinentes às agendas de desenvolvimento e segurança cada vez mais convergentes. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação tem por objetivo central analisar a Cooperação Sul-Sul entre o Brasil e a Líbia durante os governos Lula e Dilma estabelecendo assim o recorte temporal que se inicia em 2003 e que se estende até 2014. Este recorte será dividido em dois momentos tendo como marco de inflexão fundamental o ano de 2011 quando ocorreu a Primavera Árabe e a subsequente intervenção da OTAN na Líbia bem como a transição de governos entre Lula e Dilma no Brasil. Esse momento é marcado pelos debates acerca da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P), princípio implementado pela primeira vez no caso da Líbia, e a crítica brasileira seguida da proposta de formulação da Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RwP). Portanto, será dado destaque à observação da política externa brasileira e os esforços do Brasil de inserção no cenário internacional enquanto potência regional e poder global emergente compreendendo este movimento sob a perspectiva da interseção entre políticas de desenvolvimento e segurança. Esta pesquisa insere-se no marco teórico do recente debate no campo das Relações Internacionais denominado security-development nexus debate esse motivado pelos desdobramentos do evento de 11 de setembro e da subsequente Guerra ao Terror e que mobiliza discussões acerca da convergência dos campos da segurança e do desenvolvimento no atual cenário internacional. Desse modo, argumenta-se que há uma dinâmica conflitiva e crescente na política externa brasileira que alterna contestação do e inserção no sistema internacional. Essa dinâmica permeia as relações do Brasil com a Líbia bem como o posicionamento brasileiro no que tange às agendas de desenvolvimento e segurança. / [en] In the last decades, the South South Cooperation has intensifying substancially following the process of increase role of the emerging powers on the international scene after Cold War. This intensification has improve the debate in International Relations discipline about the role of this players with focus on the challenges of development and security agenda convergence. In this sense, this dissertation has main goal to analyse the South-South Cooperation between Brazil and Libya in the Lula and Dilma governments setting the time frame that begins in 2003 and extends until 2014. This period will be divided in two moments with fundamental inflection point in 2011when happened the Arab Spring and the subsequente NATO intervention in Libya as well as the transition between Lula and Dilma government. This moment is marked for Responsability to Protect (R2P) debates in International Relations discipline, a principle implemented for the first time in the Libya case, and the Brazilian critics following for the Responsability while Protecting (RwP) proposal. Therefore, emphasis will be placed on Brazilian foreign policy and the Brazil efforts to insertion on international scene as a regional power and emerging global power understending this movement under the development and security policies intersection perspective. This research is based on recently theorical framework of International Relations field called security-develoment nexus. This debate was motiveted for 9/11 events and the Terror War as well as to mobilize the discussion about security and development fields convertion. In this sense, it will be argued that there is a conflitive and increase dynamics in Brazilian foreign policies that alternates contestations of and insertion on international sistem. This dynamics permeates the relations between Brazil na Libya as well as the brazilian position about development and security agendas.

This thesis examines, empirically, the securitization of aid delivery at the Dadaab refugee camps in Kenya. Through a series of semi-structured interviews with aid workers, it documents their security concerns, organizatinonal responses to security risks, and discusses the impacts of these concerns and responses on the delivery of aid to the camps. Armed with a biopolitical conceptualization of sovereignty, articulated in the human security paradigm, the humanitarian aid industry has increasingly reached beyond national borders to touch ‘bare life.’ By now, it is widely recognized that humanitarian principles such as neutrality have often failed to protect aid workers from violent attack as they increasingly venture into the world inhabited by “surplus populations.” Drawing on existing research, this study demonstrates how humanitarian aid delivery in high-risk environments, like refugee camps, is essential to the broader task of using aid to securitize and contain high-risk populations and political instability. Paradoxically, without the securitization of aid at the operational level, humanitarian workers are left exposed to the same enduring elements of insecurity that persistently threaten the lives of those they endeavor to help.

[pt] A partir da premissa de que zonas turísticas não são naturais, e sim produzidas, este trabalho busca compreender a relação entre a imagem oficial do Rio de Janeiro no circuito (inter)nacional do turismo e a produção de violências contra corpos negros no urbano. Para isso, pretendo investigar como a identidade carioca — um dos nossos principais bens turísticos — é produzida através do controle dos modos de circulação do corpo negro. A Dissertação se debruça, em especial, no estudo sobre como o regime de trabalho (in)formal regula a movimentação da população negra no Rio de Janeiro, de forma que circulações outras do corpo negro são continuamente desestimuladas pelo dispositivo de segurança (pública) em nome da manutenção de uma ordem estético-político de como a cidade deveria ser. A pesquisa investe tais indagações sobre a orla carioca, tomando-a como uma instância que expressa, simultaneamente, a identidade carioca e uma zona turística emblemática. Com isso, o trabalho busca engajar criticamente com o campo de estudos do nexo segurança-desenvolvimento com vistas a explorar como a narrativa tradicional do nexo se constitui enquanto uma racionalidade do (inter)nacional moderno. Em suma, o trabalho examina como hierarquias raciais (re)produzem o espaço urbano no mundo pós-colonial desde um estudo do Rio (turístico). / [en] Considering touristic zones as non-natural, but produced, this Dissertation aims to understand the relationship between the official image of Rio de Janeiro in the (inter)national tourism circuit and the violence produced against black bodies in the urban area. I investigate how the carioca identity is produced by the constant control of the modes of circulation of the black body. Also, the dissertation studies how the (in)formal work regime regulates the movement of black people in Rio. Based on that, I advocate how any movement of the black body outside of the (in)formal work regime is continually discouraged by the operation of the (public) security dispositif. The research thinks, specially, about the carioca beach as an instance which express the carioca life style and an iconic touristic zone. Moreover, the dissertation engages critically with the development-security nexus field of study in order to explore how the traditional narrative of the nexus can be read as a rationality operating in the modern (inter)national. Thus, the research examines the (re)production of the urban space by racial hierarchies in a postcolonial world since the study of the tourist Rio.

Climate change is one of the most important issues in today's world. Its effect reaches beyond geographical borders and deeply connects to human welfare, rights, and possibilities. Climate change affects the climate and all other sectors of development in the world. The complexity of climate justice lies in its ability to recognize and confront the injustice and unfairness of climate change (Schapper, 2018). As a result of the consequences of climate change, water scarcity is becoming an increasingly serious issue in many places of the world today. In our global community, about 2 billion people do not have reliable access to safe drinking water, and 3.6 billion lack proper sanitation services. Additionally, 2.3 billion individuals do not have basic handwashing facilities. These challenges arise from uneven access to water and sanitation, increasing populations, development practices that use a lot of water, unpredictable changes in rainfall, and pollution. Moreover, a staggering 2.3 billion individuals face the absence of fundamental handwashing facilities (World Bank, 2023). To obtain two viewpoints on the concerns, we focused the study on India and Somalia, two countries facing water scarcity. Although they differ in many other aspects, they face comparable water scarcity and climate change challenges. Furthermore, the urgent issue of climate change is important to study as it could worsen tensions, create more conflicts, and hurt the most vulnerable groups. Examining this matter is crucial for creating frameworks and policies to increase resilience, safeguard vulnerable communities, and protect human rights. The definition of human rights is basic entitlements for everyone, no matter race, gender, sexuality, or who they are. We follow the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) definition. The theory is that regardless of where they are from or who they are, they are treated daily and have the same opportunities (United Nations, 2023). This research aims to understand and address the complex correlations between climate change, water resources, human rights, and the legal framework for climate justice.

[pt] Narrativas acerca de intervenções de infraestrutura e de segurança nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro são construídas em torno da chegada do Estado onde ele supostamente estava ausente com o objetivo de resolver o problema favela, tanto em termos da dita informalidade e precariedade, quanto em termos da suposta marginalidade dos seus habitantes, e integrálas ao restante da cidade como forma de superar a cidade partida. A concretude de sucessivas intervenções de infraestrutura e as frequentes intervenções de segurança, no entanto, permitem o questionamento desse mito da ausência do Estado nas favelas, enquanto a proximidade geográfica entre favela e asfalto, a circulação do espaço e a mão de obra que sustenta as relações na cidade empreendidas por seus moradores, e toda a sua vibrante produção social e cultural permitem o questionamento do mito da cidade partida. A principal pergunta que se coloca, portanto, é como o Estado brasileiro atua sobre esses espaços e corpos onde tradicionalmente é visto como ausente e frágil. Para tal, o presente trabalho partirá da literatura de Relações Internacionais para entender a relação entre discursos de falência, fragilidade, desordem e práticas específicas de intervenção e reconstrução no âmbito global (a partir dos conceitos de Estado falido, peacebuilding e nexo segurança-desenvolvimento), passando por uma literatura que mobiliza esses conceitos para pensar o urbano, pensar a cidade como um problema e suas possíveis soluções (em termos de peacebuilding urbano, cidades frágeis, urbanismo militar). Então, a partir da literatura brasileira especializada em favelas, questionará a construção da favela enquanto problema e as soluções articuladas por meio de formas específicas de presença do Estado, de forma a repactuar o problema como sendo um problema da atuação seletiva e imperfeita, muitas vezes racista, do Estado nesses espaços. Finalmente, a partir das contribuições e insuficiências dos conceitos e literaturas anteriores, o trabalho refletirá como as intervenções estatais, com foco em intervenções de infraestrutura e segurança, materializam-se especificamente no Complexo da Maré, reproduzindo exclusões e desigualdades, e como os moradores e organizações locais resistem a elas. / [en] Narratives about infrastructure and security interventions in Rio de Janeiro favelas are often built around the arrival of the State in places where it was supposedly absent, aiming at resolving the favela problem, both in terms of their informality and precariousness, and in terms of the marginality and criminality, and at integrating them with the formal neighborhoods so as to overcome the divided city. The concrete reality of successive infrastructure and security interventions, however, allows us to question the myth of State absence in favelas, whereas the territorial proximity between favelas and the rest of the city, their residents labor and circulation across the city and their vibrant social and cultural production allow us to question the myth of the divided city. Therefore, the main question posed is how the Brazilian State acts upon these spaces and bodies where it is traditionally seen as fragile and absent. With this aim, the presente work mobilizes International Relations literature to understand the relation between failure, fragility, disorder and practices of intervention in the global realm (which involves concepts such as failed State, peacebuilding and security-development nexus), and also literatures which mobilize such concepts in order to understand the urban realm, to understand cities as problems and their solutions (in terms of urban peacebuilding, fragile cities, military urbanism). Then, departing from a favela-focused Brazilian literature, the work questions the myth of the favela problem and also the solutions which are articulated in terms of specific forms of state presence, so as to reframe the problem as a problem of selective and imperfect, often racist, state actions. Finally, building upon those literatures contributions and limitations, the work reflects upon how state interventions, especially insfrastructure and security interventions, materialize in Complexo da Maré, reproducing exclusion and inequality, and how residents and local organizations resist those interventions.

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