This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This thesis is an exploratory examination of identity construction and children’s media, with a focus on the Palestinian political groups of Fatah and Hamas. It looks at how children’s media are framed within the context of the Arab-Israeli conflict. It examines how internal and external social factors contribute to identity formation and the interaction among these elements during times of conflict and war. This thesis hypothesizes that both Fatah and Hamas use various myths to differing degrees in order to frame their conception of a Palestinian identity. Specifically, it explores the use of the Myth of Battle, the Myth of Hero, the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Religion, the Myth of Land and the Myth of Other. It seeks to determine which of these myths each group emphasizes through a qualitative and quantitative visual ethnographic content analysis. The quantitative analysis uncovered interesting, albeit not statistically significant, differences between Fatah’s and Hamas’ use of all of the myths in their videos. Specifically it found that both groups made equal and great use of the Myth of Religion; that Hamas produced the videos with the greatest focus on the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Hero; and that neither group greatly emphasized the Myth of Victim, the Myth of Land or the Myth of Other. Finally, the analysis discovered positive correlations between the Myth of Hero and the Myth of Battle as well as between the Myth of Battle and the Myth of Other.

This article charts the development of the Palestinian Authority from its creation as an interim authority under the Oslo Accords towards becoming a failed (quasi-)state. By 2009 ¿ 15 years after its inception and ten years after the proposed final status negotiations ¿ the PA was split between a criminalized isolated entity in Gaza under the control of Hamas and an internationally recognized ¿caretaker government¿ in the West Bank under the control of Fatah and donor-supported technocrats. The role of violence ¿ i.e. the power of ¿shock and awe¿ ¿ in the creation of this failed (quasi-)state is emphasized: Israel's 2002 military campaign, Operation Defensive Shield, the sanctions and blockade imposed after the election of Hamas in January 2006, and the violence on the Palestinian street which split the PA in two. The article concludes by arguing that the PA failed (quasi-)state is presiding over the demise of the Palestinian dream of a viable state comprising both the West Bank and Gaza.

Darbe lyginami konkrečių valstybių – Palestinos ir Lietuvos radikalių politinių partijų lyderių įvaizdžiai ir bandydoma atrasti bendrybes bei skirtumus, regis, visiškai skirtingose plotmėse. Radikalių politinių partijų lyderių įvaizdžiai bus tyrinėjami pasitelkus rinkodaros (konkrečiai – reklamos ir viešųjų ryšių, kaip savęs pateikimo) ir semiotikos atskaitos taškus. Rinkodara apima tokias plačias sritis, kaip marketingas, reklama, viešieji ryšiai ir kt. Plačiai rinkodaros analizei reikia statistinių duomenų, apklausų, ekonominių rodiklių. Visų šių dalykų darbe atsisakyta, nes įrėminti partijų įvaizdžius skaičiais nėra autorės tikslas. Nagrinėjant konkrečių politinių partijų lyderių įvaizdžius naudota tik reklaminė, o dar tiksliau – viešųjų ryšių medžiaga, kuri įdėta į semiotinę plotmę. Tokių būdu tikimasi atskleisti lietuviškojo ir palestinietiškojo politikų įvaizdžio bendrybes ir skirtumus. Darbe keliama prielaida, kad pasirinktų organizacijų (vėliau išsirutuliojusių į partijas) „varomieji arkliukai“ yra labai konkrečios asmenybės, kurios didžiąja dalimi ir formuoja partijų, kaip tokių, įvaizdžius. Taigi, darbe partijų kuriami įvaizdžiai atskleidžiami per tris asmenybes – Rolando Pakso, Yassero Arafato ir šeicho Ahmedo Yasino. Pirmasis atstovauja partiją Tvarka ir teisingumas, antrasis – Fatah (arba Palestinos Išsivadavimo Organizacija), trečiasis – teroristine grupuote įvardijamą Hamas (arba Islamo Pasipriešinimo Judėjias). Darbe remiamasi prancūzų semiotiku Ericu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic... [to full text]

Thesis (M.S)--State University of New York at Binghamton, Decker School of Nursing, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

This thesis examines the political trajectory of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) during the period from the 1982 eviction of the Palestinian factions from their headquarters in Beirut, to the 2006-07 division between Hamas and Fatah in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). During this period, the PFLP experienced a process of decline that resulted in its marginalisation within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the wider Palestinian national movement. This study addresses the issue of the PFLP’s decline by focusing on its own political agency to determine the role of policy and decision making, ideology and political narrative in the marginalisation process. This work therefore, on the one hand, aims at putting the PFLP’s decline into historical perspective, identifying it as a process rather than simply the effect of outstanding events as it is often argued. On the other, its goal is to ascribe to ‘subjective factors’, namely aspects directly linked to the PFLP’s agency, the adequate weight in determining its decline. This appears particularly significant as the weakening of the Palestinian left has been frequently explained as a by-product of global and local external or ‘objective’ developments such as the downfall of the Soviet Union or the emergence of political Islam. By providing a comprehensive and processual analysis of the PFLP’s decline, this study not only aims at complementing the literature on the Palestinian national movement, which still lacks a focused approach on the main Palestinian leftist force. It also aims at shedding light on a major cause, and its historical origins, of the current Palestinian political impasse, namely the absence of an alternative between Hamas and the PNA’s governing entities, both crippled by a legitimacy crisis and unable to progress Palestinian interests. By virtue of its close survey of the PFLP’s conduct, a further goal of this thesis is to address the historical role of the PLO and its de-facto heir, the PNA. What is evidenced is the double, and contradictory, role of the essential but also constraining framework that the PLO and later the PNA represented for the PFLP’s policies. The focus on the PFLP’s political agency allows the identification of a pattern in its policy which affected negatively its standing within the Palestinian national movement. Throughout the period addressed, policy fluctuation marked the PFLP’s action, undermining the effectiveness of its political line and jeopardising its political weight. The present study highlights how such a policy fluctuation pattern originated from major dilemmas and contradictions that the PFLP had to consider while producing its policies. The main dilemma, informing all other sources of tensions affecting the PFLP, has been defined as an ‘opposition-integration’ dilemma. In other words, the PFLP, while opposing the PLO leadership’s policies, first and foremost its quest for a diplomatic settlement with Israel under US patronage, needed to maintain its integration within the PLO regime, which represented an essential economic and political framework. This produced inconsistent, ‘fluctuant’ policies that prevented the PFLP from maintaining its political weight and stopping its marginalisation process. This opposition-integration dilemma was combined with other sources of tensions marking the PFLP such as: relations with other PLO opposition factions, relations with Arab partners, its contacts with Palestinian Islamists, the confrontation with the PNA after the 1993 Oslo accords or the internal divide between the exiled leadership and the cadres located in the OPT. The PFLP’s official publications, mainly retrieved from its mouthpiece, Al-Hadaf magazine, embodied the main source upon which this study relies. Beside this corpus of documents, other primary sources, such as documents issued by relevant actors, have been scrutinised, while all information has been read against the background of the wider academic literature currently available on the Palestinian national movement. This research also drew information from interviews with former and current PFLP members as well as with experts of the Palestinian national movement.

Next year will the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories celebrate the 50th Anniversary. European Union, the most significant trade partner of Israel as well as the biggest donor of Palestine, was for a long time a mere observer of a situation of deepening of the occupation and postponing of its end because of building of Israeli settlements on the one side and of gradual division of Palestinian territories between radical Hamas and Fatah. Just in the autumn of 2015 the European Union decided to take a restrictive step towards Israel by setting clear rules of labelling of Israeli goods produced in those Israeli settlements. However, a harsh response has come both from the Israeli government and from some of EU member states. Therefore this work focuses on evaluation of the legitimacy of this move and on trying to assess the reason of its partial failure.

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