O terrorismo tem hoje uma estrutura reticular e hipertrofiada e é percebido como ameaça à segurança internacional. Entre suas características estão o potencial de destruição em massa e o uso estratégico da mídia como via de acesso ao sistema de comunicação política, onde concorre pela cristalização das idéias dominantes e pela conquista dos públicos. Este estudo tem como objetivos identificar as características do terrorismo contemporâneo, observar como utiliza a mídia para sua projeção na esfera de visibilidade pública e finalmente realizar um mapeamento do enquadramento que recebeu nas revistas Isto É, Veja e Carta Capital entre setembro de 1999 e outubro de 2004. Concluiu-se que o terrorismo utiliza a ameaça para se projetar no espaço midiático, que efetivamente concorre pelo debilitamento moral do inimigo e pela conquista de apoio público e recursos, e que é apresentado na mídia como uma forma de guerra assimétrica que revela um conflito ideológico bipolar entre o liberalismo ocidental e o totalitarismo do islamismo radical. / Terrorism nowadays has a reticular, hypertrophic structure and it is seen as an international security threat. Among its characteristics are the potential for mass destruction and the strategic use of the media as a means of propelling itself into the political communication system seeking to enforce its ideas and win over public opinion. The aim of this study is to identify the features of contemporary terrorism, observe how it uses the media to advance its ideas in the public arena and, finally, examine how Brazil’s leading magazines Isto É, Veja and Carta Capital framed this issue between September 1999 and October 2004. In conclusion, terrorism uses threats to feature in the media, helping to morally weaken the enemy and win over public support and resources. The media, meanwhile, presents terrorism as a form of asymmetric warfare that highlights a bipolar ideological conflict between western liberalism and the totalitarianism of radical Islamism.

A proposta deste estudo é a análise da propaganda política realizada no Irã, por ocasião da Revolução Islâmica no período de 1978 1988, através dos cartazes produzidos. Partindo do chamado \"paradigma de Karbala\", foram considerados no trabalho os diversos conteúdos que integram o universo revolucionário, a partir da perspectiva social, estética, religiosa e política. A interdição ao uso e culto das imagens, trazida na esteira do processo de islamização acelerada da sociedade iraniana, é um dos paradoxos considerados ao longo da tese. O referencial teórico levou em conta as especificidades únicas da cultura e da filosofia iraniana, na tentativa de melhor compreender as ações que envolvem a comunicação no universo xiita. / The aim of this study is the analysis of the political propaganda yielded in Iran through the posters that were produced between 1978 and 1988, during the Islamic Revolution. From the so-called Karbala paradigm, the study considers the various contents that integrate the revolutionary universe, taking into account the social, aesthetic, religious and political perspective. The interdiction to image use and cult, carried through the accelerated islamization process of the Iranian society is one of the paradoxes considered in this dissertation. The theoretical references took into consideration the uniqueness of the Iranian culture and philosophy, in an attempt to better understand the actions that involve the communication in the Shia universe.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-21T13:15:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marianadeoliveira.pdf: 2125687 bytes, checksum: fb09c1c508002272588249a3eb2ef083 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-21T13:43:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marianadeoliveira.pdf: 2125687 bytes, checksum: fb09c1c508002272588249a3eb2ef083 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T13:43:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marianadeoliveira.pdf: 2125687 bytes, checksum: fb09c1c508002272588249a3eb2ef083 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-30 / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo principal pensar as câmaras ultramarinas como instituições que contribuíram para a manutenção do Império Português a partir de mecanismos de negociação com o poder central. Com foco na câmara de Vila Real do Sabará, cabeça da Comarca do Rio das Velhas, entre 1711 a 1760, buscamos analisar a relação desta com o Conselho Ultramarino e quais as formas utilizadas para a manutenção do seu aparato administrativo e desenvolvimento da localidade. Nesse sentido, também nos foi preciso refletir sobre o processo de institucionalização e burocratização do poder nas minas a partir da ideia que de era parte de uma Monarquia Pluricontinental. / The present research aims to analyze the overseas councils as institutions that contributed to the Portuguese Empire maintenance by negotiation mechanisms with the central power. Focusing on Vila Real do Sabará Council, head of the Rio das Velhas District, between 17111760, a study was conducted to analyze its relationship with the Overseas Council and which means were used for the maintenance of its administrative apparatus and locality development. In this sense, a reflection was required on the institutionalization and bureaucratization process in mines power by the idea that it was part of a Pluricontinetal Monarchy.

In this thesis, the author examines the last 131 days of the 2016 election cycle. This analysis focuses on how sentiment is present on Twitter when people engage in political communication on social media. With the increasing online political discussions created on social media such as Twitter, an analysis of sentiment is critical. The data could be obtainable for candidates to estimate the electorate’s opinion of each candidate. A shift of sentiment offers a deeper insight into tracking changing attitudes toward candidates. Because Twitter only allows each tweet to be 140 characters there is a simplicity that offers statements to be concise. Trends for each candidate throughout the final days of the election cycle are correlated with national polls to assess if there is a relationship present. This study applies sentiment to recognize trends that may estimate a candidate’s chance of winning the election and offers indications as to how the intended electorate may vote when a relationship is established between sentiment and national polls.

En période électorale et plus globalement dans un contexte de crise démocratique, le politique investit souvent un ou plusieurs outils d’autopublication en ligne. En prenant comme cas particulier le blog, nous tâcherons de comprendre pourquoi et comment le politique utilise cet outil. De manière plus spécifique, notre travail interroge la notion d’« usage communicationnel ». Peut-on envisager une« construction » et une « forme » de cet usage ? Dans quelle mesure peut-on parler d’une autonomie du politique concernant l’usage du blog ? Qu’en est-il de la communication entendue comme relation, échange ? Pour y répondre et rendre compte d’une dynamique sociotechnique, nous convoquons une approche systémique à l’égard du blog. À travers une analyse qualitative à la fois synchronique et diachronique (2008-2011), nous mettons en parallèle quatre blogs dont deux appartiennent à des politiques français (Dominique Bertinotti et Bertrand Delanoë) et deux à des politiques roumains (Diana Tusa et Dragos Dinca). En dépit de leurs différences, ces blogs - en l’occurrence les usages qui leurs sont attribués - reflètent un certain nombre de ressemblances regroupées autour du concept de « logique de l’usage ». Nos études de cas relèvent la présence de deux types de logiques. La première est la « logique de diffusion », une logique qui demeure dominante et pour qui le rôle des médias reste prépondérant. La deuxième, la « logique de participation » est bien plus visible en période électorale. Par ailleurs, en creusant le fil d’un échange entre le politique et les internautes, l’enquête révèle une véritable problématique d’ordre identitaire concernant les politiques, éditeurs des blogs. / During an election period, and more generally in the current context of ademocratic crisis, politicians often invest one or several self-publishing tools online.Taking the blog as a special case, we will try to understand why and how politiciansuse this tool. More specifically, our work questions the notion of “communicative use”.Can we consider a “construction” and a “form” of this use? To what extent can wespeak of a politician’s autonomy regarding the use of his blog? What aboutcommunication understood as a relationship, an exchange? To answer these questionsand examine a socio-technical dynamic, we need a systemic approach regarding theblog. Through a qualitative analysis, both synchronic and diachronic (2008-2011), fourblogs were studied in parallel: two belong to French politicians (Dominique Bertinottiand Bertrand Delanoë) and two to Romanian politicians (Tusa and Diana DragosDinca). Despite their differences, these blogs – and more specifically the usesattributed to them - reflect a number of similarities grouped around the concept of "thelogic of the use". Our case studies showed the presence of two types of logic. The firstis “the logic of broadcasting”, which currently prevails and is largely influenced by themass media. Second, “the logic of participation” is more visible during elections. Also,looking deeper into an exchange between politicians and Internet users, the surveyreveals a genuine identity problem regarding those very politicians.

The aim of this interdisciplinary research was to see whether American presidents can reach Millennials more effectively in the digital age while publicly advancing the legislative agenda of their administration. The rationale is that presidents need to gain public support to pressure Congress into passing their legislation; while doing that, they can capture the public’s interest in politics and educate civically the most inattentive audience. To accomplish the task, strategic messaging adequate to digital media is necessary. Millennials appear as having modest interest and knowledge of politics despite their intense presence on digital media. On the other hand, they represent a third of the electorate— also projected to become the most important economic contributors in society — thus constituting an audience that cannot be ignored. Because metaphors are credited with an important role in processing new information and in branding leadership, I propose a category of new metaphors, labeled High Definition (HD) Metaphors that have three characteristics: they concentrate the policy contained in the message, are novel, and are relevant to the targeted audience. The most important claim is that HD metaphors catch the eye of the audience by increasing the message visibility; the corresponding hypothesis is (H1) Presidential messages containing High Definition Metaphors are more salient than their literal counterparts. Second, I argue that HD metaphors facilitate the understanding of the message as they have a contribution to the acquisition of new information; hence the second hypothesis: (H2) Presidential messages containing High Definition Metaphors produce more political knowledge. Last, I claim that metaphors can influence the audience, by producing more agreement with the message; this is reflected in the third hypothesis: (H3) Presidential messages containing High Definition Metaphors are more persuasive than their literal counterparts. To test these claims I conducted an experiment with 251 students in a large American university in the southeast, in which two groups were exposed to written, fictitious metaphorical messages sourced by a fictitious president of the U.S. and two groups received the non metaphorical versions of the messages (literal counterparts). One pair of messages was constructed on a topic of high involvement and the other pair on a topic of low involvement, as determined at a previous date. Statistical analysis indicated that HD Metaphors increase the visibility of the message especially for audiences less interested in the topic. This is a key finding because it suggests that presidents can capture the attention of Millennials who are in general apathetic to the political discourse. On the other hand, HD Metaphors did not produce more political knowledge or more persuasion, in this particular design. The importance of this study is theoretical and practical. It advances a new concept, High Definition Metaphors that was empirically tested with the power of an experiment; future work can build on these findings by detecting other effects. This research also connects theoretical models and concepts from various disciplines, thus enriching the scholarly understanding of issues that are not satisfied within the boundaries of a single field. Most importantly, this research has applicability to practice by informing presidential communication in the digital era; additionally, it can enhance the external strategic communication of leadership in non- governmental and international organizations since HD Metaphors can be adapted to fit any audiences whose attention is desired.

This master thesis aims to analyze the facts concerning the political communication of Silvio Berlusconi and Andrej Babis and their political and business careers. The works tries to define the basic concepts of political communication and subsequently analyze them in the comparison with those politicians. Among the other things, the effect of the media which could enabled their entrance to the politics and influence the meanings of the public opinion as well as their political history and used communication techniques has been taken into consideration.

This thesis seeks to challenge the dominant modes of conceiving the empirical link between citizens’ negative perceptions of immigrants and electoral support for Western European radical right parties, and in doing so, to offer a deeper understanding of the dynamics of radical right voting behavior based on an analysis of radical right parties’ online activities. Despite radical right parties' great popularity and important presence online, little scholarly attention has been paid to their activities in an online space. Accordingly, most empirical research on radical right voting behavior has been conducted in an offline context, ignoring the potential role the Internet plays in connecting radical right parties and voters. Building on Norris’s demand-supply framework, I consider the largely ignored factor, citizens' online activities, in my quantitative model and, ultimately, develop formal links between citizens’ anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties conditional on their level of Internet usage. Thereby, I aim to provide an answer to the following research question: Does citizens’ Internet usage moderate the relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and radical right voting? Using data from the 9th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS), I test whether voters' high level of Internet consumption strengthens the positive relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties in eight Western European countries. The results show that my expectations are strongly supported at the cross-national level and partially confirmed at the national level by Belgium, Germany, and Italy. My findings hold promise for future work in designing more elaborate and practical voting models.

No description available.

There has been considerable zeal regarding the democratizing promises of information and communication technologies (ICTs). This belief has resulted in the proliferation of ICT development initiatives in education through public private partnerships. However, there are critical scholars who caution against an overly celebratory perspective of ICTs and expose the ways in which they may be contributing to the exacerbation of existing inequalities. This thesis was inspired by Dan Schiller’s book, Digital Capitalism (1999) with the purpose of examining how digital capitalism is evident today. 'Digital capitalism' refers to the relationship between politics, economics, and technology that explains the shift in the use of the Internet from aiding government agencies to serving private commercial interests. Through a political economy of communication approach, this thesis examines a new model of public schools in which IT companies are partnering with various cities and districts to equip students with the 21st century skills needed to participate in the labor market. These partnerships are designed to benefit marginalized youth that do not have access to ICTs so the study looks at one of these schools encompassing this new innovative model in order to examine the benefits and limitations of these partnerships The purpose of this thesis is to examine the way digital capitalism is playing out in education today in order to shed light on the political and economic forces driving these initiatives while examining who the decision makers are as well as who benefits and why. It has a dual objective of contributing to current digital inequality scholarship and informing policy-making. This thesis ultimately argues that there is a need for more targeted and individualized policies that serve each district’s unique needs, which works to fulfill the policy objective. It challenges the notion that technology is a neutral artifact that is separate from broader political, social, and economic processes.