No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D. (Criminology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / The 1996 Constitution of the Republic of South Africa [RSA], allows people to protest, demonstrate, picket, and assemble when they believe their constitutional rights have been violated. There are legislations that have been put in place to ensure that while people are showing their dissatisfaction, they do not infringe on the rights of others by engaging in riotous behaviour. The Regulation of Gatherings Act [RGA] (Act 205 of 1993) is one of such acts. This study explored the motivations of violent protests in Malamulele and Vuwani in the Limpopo Province. A qualitative research methodology was utilised and in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were used to collect data. Purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used to sample the people who participated in the protests that occurred in the areas of this study. Thematic Content Analysis was used to analyse the findings from the in-depth interviews and the focus group discussions. The study found that the Malamulele residents were concerned about being in the Thulamela Municipality, and some of their concerns included but were not limited to employment and service delivery. This study found that in Vuwani, the violent protests were influenced by the government’s inability to effectively consult residents in the merger between Vuwani and Malamulele which was done with the intention of quenching the violent protests that had erupted in the Malamulele area. Violence is said to have occurred because the government was unresponsive, and it had failed to provide adequate services and had also made unfulfilled promises. Moreover, this study also found that people engaged in collective violence because of anger and frustration. There were also people who promoted collective violence to gain access to free grocery through looting. The destroying of government properties was seen as punishment to both the community and the government. Some protestors were emotionally disturbed when they saw buildings burning, while some children also learnt to respond with violence when in conflicting situations. The government lost money as they had to refurbish or replace things that they had already provided for. However, in comparison, the participants indicated that it is easy for the government to recover, because they only lose money while the community has to live with the scar of collective violence and its aftermath for a long time.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / A persistent challenge facing especially post-apartheid South African rural municipalities is service delivery compliance. Under the guise of scarcity, rural municipalities repeatedly do not comply with legislation, policies and guidelines for the provision of drinking water and basic sanitation services for the poor. Yet, such challenges concern equity, justice and fairness to social policy and seriously impact the sustainability of livelihood of millions of rural households. The main objective of this study is to analyse the extent to which Lepelle Nkumpi Local Municipality has complied with or deviated from specific policies and legislation governing the provision of water and sanitation services at the Gedroogte, Ga Molapo and Magatle (in Zebediela) rural communities and the response of communities. The study was also intended to determine the extent to which water challenges affect the livelihood of the people in the communities. It highlights the refugee-like conditions that millions of South African citizens experience despite official statistics that claim that 86% of the country has access to potable water. A mixed methods design was used for this analysis. The qualitative methods that are used in the study include use of in-depth interviews, site visits, personal stories and the Municipal Integrated Development Programme (IDP). Participatory mapping of water sources; story-telling about water issues; timelines and trend lines by focus group members; transect walks and 7 key informant interviews were used to collect data. A total of 657 quantitative interviews were conducted in three communities. Service delivery compliance has been grossly ineffective and inefficient in Lepelle Nkumpi Local Municipality, especially in the Gedroogte, Ga Molapo and Magatle rural communities. The findings were that these rural communities still depend on state-owned boreholes for accessing drinking water, which are regularly broken and/or in disrepair. Sanitation service provision in the rural communities does not comply with the approved policy of providing ventilated improved pit (VIP) toilets. New settlements have increased the demand for clean water. Shortages of staff with relevant skills such as management, technicians, and administrators are one of the main reasons why there is a scarce supply of drinking water and basic sanitation services at the Gedroogte, Ga Molapo and Magatle communities. Inaccessibility to nearby treatment plants for waste disposal services (situation per community) and inaccessible disposal facilities and the use of disposal sites also affect the health conditions of community members within the Lepelle Nkumpi Local Municipality.

Autour de la genèse de l’histoire tchèque, un grand moment de philosophie politique est advenu durant la première moitié du XX° siècle : un État tchécoslovaque peut affirmer son existence, et cela est l’aboutissement d’une confrontation sans concession avec un destin indéfiniment tourmenté, celui d’une longue marche pour s’émanciper de la tutelle de l’Empire austro-hongrois ; persécutions religieuses suivies d’une guerre de trente ans et enfin une expérience intime de l’exil, qui est une brisure de son être. Enfin, le XIX° siècle a ouvert des négociations pour obtenir un statut respectueux des Tchèques avec le parlement autrichien.Cette ouverture a été acquise par un peuple toujours sur la brèche selon Hannah Arendt. La philosophe tchèque lui donne le nom de crise ou Krisis. Il s’éprouve dans son être comme un rapport d’être, scission en son être qui est toujours un questionnement sur soi et sur le monde et aspiration à la perfection et au soin de l’âme. C’est une expérience à haut risque du regard sur la vérité du monde pour l’énonciation d’un sens et d’un jugement, Jan Patocka retrouve là « la solidarité des ébranlés » pour une « vie dans la vérité ». Nous regarderons d’abord et principalement les grandes figures de pensée qui ont fait l’avènement de L’État tchécoslovaque ; ce sont leurs philosophes qui sollicitent sans fin cette pulsion de vie expérience de sa révolte, et principalement Jan Patocka. Ils débordent le convenu, bouscule l’ordre figé pour dévoiler un instant de vérité pour une donation de sens. Ensuite, nous verrons comment les philosophes rois de ce pays, Tomas Garrigue Masaryk et Vaclav Havel sont des guides précieux pour le peuple tchèque en ces années de plomb. Leurs maîtres de philosophie ne sont jamais très loin. / With the genesis of the Czech history, during the first half of the twentieth century, a great moment of political philosophy is born: a Czechoslovakian State can declare its existence as a result of an uncompromising conflict with an extremely tormented lot. The long walk to emancipation from the Austro-Hungarian empire and the religious persecutions were followed by a thirty-year-long war and eventually ended in a private experience of exile resulting in personal breakdown. Finally, negotiations with the Austrian parliament started in the ninetieth century so the Czech could gain a status of respect. This awareness was gained by a people constantly on the move according to Hannah Arendt. The Czech philosopher called it crisis or Krisis. It can be felt within your own being, just like a [relationship of being], a scission within your being always questioning about one self and the world as well as searching for perfection and spiritual well-being. Considering the truth of the world in order to outline a meaning and a judgment is a high-risk experience. Jan Patocka traces there "the solidarity of the shaken" for a "life in truth".We will first look into the main eminent thinkers that have made the Czechoslovakian State come to life, thanks to its philosophers, mainly Jan Patocka, who after a life of protests, endlessly felt an urge for existence. They trespassed the rules, disrupted the rigid order to unveil a moment of truth and give it a meaning. We will then see how philosopher-kings of this country, Tomas Garrigue Masaryk and Vaclav Havel became precious guides to the Czech people during the country’s dark years. Their philosophy mentors are never too far.

In dieser Dissertation untersuche ich verschiedene Aspekte des Integrationsprozesses von Migranten und Flüchtlingen, insbesondere wie sich ihre Präsenz auf die Protestaktivitäten und Einstellungen von Einheimischen auswirkt. Die vier Kapitel bauen auf der bestehenden Literatur auf und zielen darauf ab, diese in mehreren Aspekten zu ergänzen. Das erste und das zweite Kapitel verbessern unser Verständnis der kausalen Auswirkungen der Bedingungen im Heimatland auf die Rückkehrabsichten und die Arbeitsmarktintegration von Migranten im Zielland sowie das Verständnis der Auswirkungen traumatischer Erfahrungen während der Flucht auf die Arbeitsmarktintegration von Flüchtlingen. Das dritte Kapitel befasst sich mit der soziokulturellen Integration von Familienmigranten in einem Land, das nicht ihre erste Wahl darstellt. Das vierte Kapitel untersucht die Auswirkungen der Anwesenheit von Ausländern auf die Protestaktivität einer bestimmten Gruppe von Einheimischen und wie sich diese Proteste auf die Besorgnis über Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Intoleranz auf nationaler Ebene auswirken. Die Ergebnisse der Dissertation sollen die politischen Entscheidungsträger über die potenziellen Nebenwirkungen der Migrationspolitik informieren und empirische Erkenntnisse liefern, die zur Verbesserung bestehender und zur besseren Gestaltung künftiger politischer Maßnahmen beitragen. / In this PhD thesis, I look at different aspects of the integration process of migrants and refugees, and how their presence affects the protest activity and attitudes of natives. The four chapters build on and aim to extend the existing literature along several dimensions. The first and second chapters improve our understanding of the causal effect of home country conditions on migrants' return intentions and labour market outcomes at destination and of the effect of traumatizing experiences along the journey on refugees' labour market integration. The third chapter explores the socio-cultural integration of family migrants in a country that was not their primary choice, while the fourth chapter examines the effect of the presence of foreigners on the protest activity of a particular group of natives and how these protests affect worries about xenophobia and intolerance at the national level. The findings in the dissertation aim to inform policymakers on the potential side-effect of migration policies and to provide empirical evidence that help improve existing policies and better design future ones.eral dimensions.

No description available.

In order to break the cycle of violence in war-ridden societies, nonviolent mechanisms to deal with conflicts has to be established. One such mechanism is protests, which when performed peacefully can be a powerful tool for political change. Protests can however also be a cause for violence and this thesis sets out to explore why protests turns more violent in some post-war subnational areas compared to others. I suggest that protest violence in part can be explained by the preceding intensity of insurgent violence, as the government puts more efforts into combating insurgent groups and less towards responding to local needs where this violence is perpetuated. Where this occurs, institutional relationships deteriorate, which result in negotiations becoming less likely while violence is viewed as more justified and useful before and during protests. Using the structured focused comparison method, I test this theoretical argument by comparing Cali and Barranquilla, two Colombian cities where left-wing ideologies prevail but where protest violence has differed substantially. The evidence, which has been collected through a document analysis and in-depth interviews conducted during two-months of field work in Colombia, provide modest support for the hypothesis that protest violence was more likely where insurgent violence had been prevalent during the war.

This diploma thesis points out differences in the reporting methods of CTK and CT, the two public service's media, regarding the Ukrainian crisis. The theoretical part of the thesis focuses on both of these media's properties with emphasis on their foreign coverageas well as related medial terms' definitions. One chapter is reserved to cover Ukraine as a state and its political history since the SovietUnion's disintegration through to 2014 and the Ukrainian crisis development; further studying the relationship between Ukraine and the Russian Federation resulting in the crisis in 2013. In the practical part of the thesis quantitative and qualitative methods are used to determine how much attention and screen-time both media dedicated to the crisis, which parties were given opportunities to comment and identify other sources of information. Keeping in mind the fact that CT had four reporters on site at it's disposal, the thesis tries to find out how big of an influence that had on the overall production, processing and tone of the television news and to what degree the production of both media agreed or diverged.

Magister Legum - LLM

Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país. / In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization, we are interested in the comprehension of which strategies are chosen for groups to mobilize, as well as the usage of resources by activists. Also we are interested in understanding the alliances and specialization of the activism in certain political regimes. The dynamic of organization of Afro-Colombian Movement changed during the last decade of the 20th century, when a new constitution was adopted. And has changed once again during the first decade of the 21st century, when Colombian black population became the main victims of the armed conflict in the country.