In the writing of this thesis, I have endeavored chiefly to depict the character and public works of Amos Kendall in Kentucky. In so doing, it has been my purpose to give the reader some conception of the important political questions of the time and the relation of Kendall to them. His life was one of bitter controversies, of humiliating defeats followed by brilliant victories, and toward the end, one of peace vitalized by the promotion of worthwhile public institutions. His place in history, whether good or bad, has been little understood or appreciated; and it is my sincere desire that this limited study of his career may stimulate those who read it to investigate further the activities of this man.

In preparing "A History of Education" in Elkton, Kentucky, it seems that considerable progress has been made in the last century. In contacting, what we consider our pioneers today, we find much has been accomplished when we compare the old school with the present day school. During this period of research, most of our older citizens connected with the educational system of Elkton, have been called upon to contribute from the recollections, carefully preserved letters, scraps of manuscripts, printed fragments, memoranda, old histories and our present day educators. Also, citizens once a part of our educational system, now living in other states, have been corresponded with, for verification of information.

This study presents a somewhat connected narrative of the attitudes and contributions of organized labor to education prior to 1860. It has a twofold purpose: first, it is concerned with a consideration of the psychological, economic, social and political background which provided and shaped the determining factors of organized labor's earlier educational attitudes and contributions; and second, with an investigation for evidences as to the nature, extent and significance of these attitudes and contributions in evaluating labor's part in establishing our system of free public school education.

The New England Puritans who settled in Massachusetts in 1629 were the product of the Reformation as experienced in England. They struggled with Catholicism and Anglicanism for many years before deciding to move to New England. Moving as non-separating Congregationalists (not separating from the Anglican Church, yet rejecting episcopacy), they left the tensions of being Puritans, or radical Protestants, behind them only to find more tensions in their new holy state. When they settled New England they hoped to build a state that answered to God's call for the development of a new Israel. The saints were to interpret that call and all others were to follow in agreement. Tension within the new state, however, did not allow this to happen. Some settled in New England because they were separatists. These people, most prominently Roger Williams, caused a great deal of tension. Some settled there to share new religious views. The orthodoxy did not welcome these people, whether they were Antinomian Puritans, Quakers or Baptists. Those concerned with more worldly matters, such as trade, were continuously causing tension within New England because some became more concerned with their own well-being as against that of the commonwealth. And others caused tension because of their interest in modern thought and literature. All of these tensions eventually became too much for the orthodoxy to combat successfully. The opposition from without grew into opposition from within as many New Englanders began to question the old ways and the manner in which those ways were enforced.

It is the purpose of this study to investigate the origin and development of our present county government and to give the essentials of the present status. It is intended to present a brief outline history of the growth and changes in the administrative organization of the county from the days of the shire and the Norman Invasion of England to the reign of the Stuarts; and then to transplant that form of local government into the forested wastes of James River, and there watch it adapt itself to the frontier environment of a new world. In the process of adaption it brought forth a new form of government just about the time its people surged across the mountain wall. The changes resulting from the new type of national government and the reactions expressed in local government legislation, as different economic and social factors played upon the early Kentuckians, will be noted briefly as the author brings the study to the present time.

There have been many reports made on education in Kentucky since it became a state, but these factual reports are one-dimensional. They present the known, concrete facts, but do not give the true picture any more than flat drawings of a landscape is a true representation of the beauty and feeling of the landscape itself. In this study of the reflection of the schools of Kentucky in the mirror of fiction I have tried to present the scene in perspective, to give it color and to add the fourth dimension of human character.

Probably no other period in American history has been more productive of romance, strife, bravery, aggressiveness, and conflicting ideas of thought than the period from 1850 to 1865. One who was fortunate enough to be born in the early years of that period, would have been old enough by 1865 for those various experiences to have branded his future life. Young E. Allison was so fortunate. He was born in Henderson, Kentucky, on December 23, 1853 and was named after his father, who was county judge and county clerk.

Despite historians describing the 1970s as a time of détente, both National Security Advisors that dominated America’s foreign policy pursued harsh stances against the Soviet Union. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski sabotaged peace talks in order help the United States keep its edge against the other world superpower. Most historians point to the similarities between these two men, but what is most often left out of the narrative is that both men witnessed persecution at the hands of totalitarian governments: Kissinger by the Nazis and Brzezinski by both the Nazis and the Soviets. This influence is strong in their first works written at Harvard University, where they met Dr. Carl J. Friedrich and Hannah Arendt, both German émigrés. This paper will explore how European intellectuals, as well as their own European heritage, predisposed both Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski in their hawkish stances against the Soviet Union.

This dissertation excavates the political economy and cultural politics of the "Vanishing Indian." While much of the scholarship situates this ubiquitous American trope as a rhetorical representation, I consider the ways in which the "Vanishing Indian" was necessarily rooted in the emerging capitalist and cultural economy of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. By combining cultural history, Native studies, material culture, and public history, my project addresses a predicament peculiar to settler societies. Specifically, I address the dilemma faced by an immigrant people who attempted to make the transition from colonial to national without being indigenous. My investigation into the complex historical processes of a symbolic, material, and oftentimes-ambivalent reconfiguration of self seeks to broaden our understanding of a national identity not only rooted, but also deeply invested, in settler-colonialism. The ancient mummified remains of an early Woodland aboriginal woman disinterred in Kentucky in 1811, are the axis around which this dissertation revolves. The history of her disinterment links American national identity formation with capitalist imperatives for natural resource extraction, the exploitation of slave labor, settler expansion, and the development of another form of "Indian Removal" – practiced below ground, as it were. The plunder of ancient ruins, disinterment of Indian graves, and the correlated development of early American archaeology became part of a larger national project. While Native remains were not in and of themselves economic resources, increasingly, speculators in science and antiquities came to regard them as both natural and national resources. Their disinterment was certainly as much a byproduct of scientific speculation as of speculation in lands "opened up" by western expansion. The appropriation of Native remains became a locus of power through which Americans sought to add the length and breadth of an historic past to the promise of a national future. Ultimately, I seek to interrogate one of the many aims of colonization through settlement—the appropriation of indigenous status—and situate a history of science, curiosity, and the appropriation of American Indian land and bodies at the center of this development.

This paper examines the ongoing conflict between Squaw Valley Ski Holdings and the local Tahoe community and analyzes this conflict within the greater historical context of ski resort consolidation and development across the Western United States.