I analyse whether coalitions consisting of one or several parties from both political blocs have a causal effect on the following election results of the Sweden Democrats using election data. I find that, when the largest bloc is unable to reach a seat majority in a municipal assembly and forms a coalition with one or several parties from the other bloc, the Sweden Democrats increase their municipal vote share by on average 11.71 percentage points the following election. I interpret the result as support for the view that Swedish voters punish the established parties when they are perceived as becoming more similar in terms of policy and ideology. Moreover, my results show that the effect is only significant in municipalities where no small and/or local parties exist, indicating that the largest bloc in many municipalities prefer to form a coalition with these parties when the opportunity exists.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the internal and external supply in relation to citizens’ demand for radical populist parties. To explore how the Sweden Democrats between 2010 and 2018 has developed its party organisation and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on the theory of Cas Mudde which claims demand and supply as a reason and understanding for the increasing growth of radical right parties in Western democracies. The theory divides Sweden Democrats into three different aspects; demand, internal and external supply which explain the stability and increased support for the party. Socio-economic factors such as unemployment, education and level of immigration are significant explanation factors for radical right parties to establish on long term. However, the essay concludes that the internal aspects of the party organisation, in relation to lack of trust for the traditional parties and low party identification, are crucial explanations. The importance of these factors have gradually increased during the years 2010-2018, while the level of significance for socioeconomic factors have decreased.

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This bachelor’s thesis examines the causes behind the support of radical right and anti-immigration parties by those with a non-native background. Building on findings of previous research and the funnel of causality, a set of variables consisting of anti-immigration views and socio-economic factors are examined to determine their causal effect on the support for the Sweden Democrats among the non-native swedish population. Utilising data from Syd-SOM 2015 and Väst-SOM 2015, no support were found for the hypothesis that those with a non-native background support the Sweden Democrats on the basis of socio-economic factors. Support were found however for the hypothesis that anti-immigration views among non-natives are an important cause for their support of the Sweden Democrats.

This article asks how the internet has been contributing to the trans-national networking of the radical right and whether the radical right has the capacity to act as a trans-national movement. <br>Taking into account language difficulties, the ideological background of ultra- nationalism and internal disputes, the analysis shows that the radical right-wing transnational networking has hardly developed. Additionally, its internet users’ potential is too low to contribute to a stronger trans-national alignment. The obstacles remain despite improved technological possibilities. This is proven by empirical examples of virtual trans-national networks.

A relatively well established literature already proffers explanations for the persistence of Euroskeptic Radical Right Parties (ERRPs) in Western Europe and for their emergence in the new democracies of the East. The purpose of this study is not to replicate those existing studies; instead, the argument advanced here is that there may be an important intervening factor as yet unexplored in the extant literature. Drawing upon aggregate survey data from select Western European EU member states and a focused case study of Slovakia, this paper seeks to assess the impact of information, in this case information about the European Union, on voting for ERRPs. The argument presented here is that EU information mitigates the support for ERRPs, more so in the East than in the West.

The majority of studies on terrorist groups in the past have been conducted from the perspectives of political science, sociology, or psychology. This historical comparative study examines two terrorist organizations through a human resource development (HRD) lens. The study's goal is to provide a fresh perspective on terrorism to the current discussion of the subject within the public and private sectors. A comprehensive literature review is used to examine religiously based terrorist groups. The following HRD models and theories are used to frame this research: the Basic Systems Model of Swanson and Holton (2001), Daft's definition of an organization (2001), the work of Watkins and Marsick (1992 & 1993) on learning organizations, and group theory as discussed by Johnson and Johnson (2000). Crenshaw's (2001) work on terrorist group theory also helps provide a foundation to the discussion. The study begins with a short review of terrorism during the twentieth, and the first years of the twenty-first centuries. Next, the histories, cultures, and beliefs of the fundamentalist Islamic or Islamist movement and the Christian Identity movement are traced. The focus is then narrowed and an in-depth study of al-Qaeda and the Phinehas Priesthood, from the Islamist and Christian Identity movements, respectively, is conducted. The context of HRD organizational traits is used to portray the similarities and differences between these terrorist groups. There were eight major findings from this study. 1. Al-Qaeda and the Phinehas Priesthood possess structure and demonstrate input, output, process, and interaction with, and feedback from their external environment (Swanson & Holton, 2001) as do conventional organizations. 2. Both groups demonstrate structure and group dynamics similar to conventional organizations. 3. Members of both groups profess beliefs similar to those in mainstream Islam and Christianity, respectively. 4. The belief that God's law is superior to that of man in held in common by al-Qaeda and the Priesthood. This belief is based on the revealed word of God, the Koran and Bible, respectively. 5. Members of both groups believe they have been chosen by God to right the wrongs of society and/or the world. Violent acts in support of this mission are fully justified. 6. A common goal of these groups is to establish racially and culturally pure societies on some scale. 7. Al-Qaeda and the Phinehas Priesthood are both anti-Semitic. 8. Members of these groups are culturally isolated from mainstream society. The study makes four recommendations to HRD practitioners, government policy makers, and educators in pursuit of the goal of providing a fresh perspective on terrorism.

Šio darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti, kokio pobūdžio yra šiuolaikiniai kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai, nustatyti jų vietą šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje bei Europos Sąjungos šalių valdymo sistemose. Nustatyta, kad sudėtinga šiuolaikinę kraštutinę dešinę griežtai apibūdinti kaip vienalytį judėjimą ar įtalpinti ją į aiškiai apibrėžiamus rėmus. Dažniausiai šios pakraipos judėjimai įvardijami kaip fašizmo atgimimas, šiuolaikinės visuomenės socialinių-ekonominių problemų išdava, protesto forma prieš esamą politinę situaciją, ksenofobinių nuotaikų šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje išraiška. Šiuolaikiniai kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai akcentuoja tradicinių partijų nuošalyje paliktų postindustrinei visuomenei būdingų problemų sprendimo būtinumą. Tai pagrindinė jų pastaraisiais dešimtmečiais augančio populiarumo priežastis. Dėl įvairių priežasčių kraštutinių dešiniųjų politiniai judėjimai ne visose Europos Sąjungos šalyse susilaukia ryškaus palaikymo, tačiau jų įtaka sprendžiant šių dienų socialines, ekonomines ir politines problemas aiškiai juntama, tad jų analizė yra būtina norint susidaryti išsamų vaizdą apie Europos Sąjungoje vykstančius procesus. / The paper is aimed at highlighting the character of the present extreme right political movements and defining their place in modern society as well as in the governing system of the European Union countries. It has been determined in the paper that it is rather difficult to categorize the present extreme right wing as a homogenious movement or to fit it into a certain frame. The movements of this trend are mostly identified either as the revival of fascism, the outcome of the current social and economic problems, a protest form against the present political situation or as the expression of the xenophobic feelings in modern society.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe analizuojama radikalios dešinės politinių jėgų ideologija, visuomenės radikalizacijos procesas, radikalios dešinės politinės partijos bei jų rinkiminės sėkmės veiksniai. Remiantis ekspertų interviu tyrimu, analizuojama radikalios dešinės situacija ir perspektyvos Lietuvoje, taip pat yra tiriamos Lietuvos politinių partijų rinkiminės programos, siekiant nustatyti jose esančias radikalios dešinės ideologines ir programines nuostatas. / Master's thesis analyzes the ideology of radical right, public radicalization process, radical right political parties and factors of their electoral success. Based on expert‘s interviews study the situation and perspectives of radical right in Lithuania are analyzed, Lithuanian political parties electoral programs are studied in order to determine the presence of radical right ideological and programmatic provisions.

<p>How can we explain variation in support for radical right parties over time and across post-communist democracies? This project suggests that support for radical right parties is driven by the politics of accommodation, and is aimed at counteracting the political inroads, cultural concessions and economic gains of politically organized minorities. It differs from other studies of extremist politics in three primary respects: (1) Unlike current approaches that focus on competition between the extreme and mainstream parties, I emphasize dynamics between the radical right party and non- proximate parties that promote minority rights. (2) Several approaches argue that xenophobia drives support for the radical right, whereas I show that xenophobia is not a distinct feature of the radical right party support base; what differentiates radical right voters from other voters is opposition to governmental transfers towards politically organized minorities. (3) I endogenize issue salience and identify coalition politics - i.e., coalitions of mainstream parties and parties supporting minority protection - as a key mechanism that increases the salience of identity issues in political competition, and benefits radical right parties. The project tests these propositions empirically, and finds supportive evidence using two unique micro-level surveys and an original party-election-level data set covering all post-communist democracies.</p> / Dissertation