[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os acontecimentos transcorridos nos postos indígenas do estado de Minas Gerais – o Posto Indígena Guido Marlière (PIGM) e o Posto Indígena Mariano de Oliveira (PIMO) – durante a ditadura civil-militar, sobretudo entre os anos de 1967 e 1973, período no qual a Ajudância Minas-Bahia (AJMB), responsável pela administração desses postos, ficou sob o comando da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais (PMMG). Nesse período, foi construído um reformatório para índios considerados delinquentes transferidos de várias regiões do país para o território demarcado ao povo indígena Krenak; foi formada uma tropa militarizada de policiais-indígenas conhecida como Guarda Rural Indígena (GRIN); e, finalmente, foi realizada a transferência forçada dos Krenak e dos confinados no reformatório para uma propriedade da PMMG chamada Fazenda Guarani. Esses acontecimentos atingiram diretamente a cultura política Krenak, levando o Ministério Público Federal (MPF) a pleitear uma inédita anistia política coletiva em prol do povo indígena Krenak junto ao Ministério da Justiça no ano de 2015. Essa dissertação procura descrever esses processos à luz de um conjunto de documentos colhidos em pesquisas no acervo do Museu do Índio e do Centro de Referência Indígena do portal Armazém Memória, sobretudo aqueles que permitem conhecer o funcionamento do órgão tutelar (primeiro o Serviço de Proteção ao Índio – SPI – e posteriormente a Fundação Nacional do Índio – FUNAI) naquela região, onde ocorriam frequentes conflitos fundiários. / [en] This text aims to analyse the main facts which happened at Indigenous posts of Minas Gerais State- The Indigenous Post Guido Marliere (PIGM) and the Indigenous Post Mariano de Oliveira (PIMO)- during the civil-military dictatorship, mainly between 1967 and 1973, time in which the Ajudância Minas-Bahia (AJMB), responsible for administrating the mentioned posts, was under Military Police of Minas Gerais State s control (PMMG). During this time one reformatory was built for said offenders indians be transferred from several regions of the Country to the defined territory of Krenak indians. A militarised troop was organised with police Indians known as Rural Indigenous Guard (GRIN). All the Krenaks and the ones confined in the reformatory were forced to move to a PMMG s property know as Guarani Farm. These facts directly hit Krenak s political culture, leading the Ministério Público Federal (MPF) pleading an unique collective political amnesty to benefit the Krenak indigenous people. This litigation was submitted to Minister of Justice in 2015. This text describes all these processes under the lights of researched documents stored at Indian s Museum and Indigenous Centre of Reference collections both part of Armazem Memoria portal, mainly the ones which allow knowing how tutelary institutions such as initially SPI (Serviço de Proteção ao Índio) and later FNI (Fundação Nacional do Índio) worked in that region, where several conflicts over land had happened.

This thesis is concerned with the transformation of prostitutes and other women in the magdalen asylums, the convict refuge, and the certified inebriate reformatory conducted by a roman catholic order of nuns in nineteenth century Britain. Laundry work came to play a central role in the activities expected of the women admitted to these quasi-monastic houses. Its significance is examined in terms of organisational and symbolic correspondences with the structure and ideology of transformative institutions directed to christian conversion. The thesis initially identifies different organisational forms and the ideology revealed by the long-span history of convent refuges. It goes on to consider the problems that tradition posed in the later institutions. The historical account, ordered around a primary sociological concern with transformation, discloses the struggle between the nuns, the secular authorities, and others, to assert differing ideas of religion, morality, and work. The theoretical discussion examines the structure and process of transformation, and the system of classification and control on which it is based. Moving from the notion of Total Institution, the analysis formulates a sociological model of the refuge as a 'Theopticon'. This provides a stable context for a pattern of transformations ranging from the laundry work to the liturgy. The analysis also deals with the role and status of the long-term transformand in pursuit of christian holiness. The theoretical model is then taken back to analyse the major issues raised by the historical account: the persistence of laundry work in the refuges, the nuns' resistance to public inspection and control, and their refusal to pay wages to the penitent women. The historical data is largely derived from primary sources and includes architectural, statistical, and photographic material, as well as documentary evidence.

Ce travail de thèse porte sur le destin des enfants et des adolescents envoyés en maisons de redressement (reformatorios) de 1939 à 1975. Il confronte la norme produite par l'État franquiste en matière de déviance juvénile aux réalités de la prise en charge des mineurs dans trois institutions particulières : l'Asilo Durán de Barcelone, la Colonia San Vicente Ferrer de Valence et, dans une moindre mesure, la Casa tutelar San Francisco de Paula de Séville. L'histoire heurtée et le caractère archaïque des reformatorios révèlent les carences de l'État espagnol (manque structurel de moyens, place considérable de l'Eglise catholique). Dans le domaine de la prise en charge de la déviance juvénile, le franquisme n'invente rien ou presque : il se contente d'abroger les réformes limitées mises en place par la Seconde République pour en revenir au dispositif de la Dictature de Primo de Rivera. Les pensionnaires de maison de redressement sont internés pour deux motifs principaux : le vol et l'indiscipline. Ils ne viennent pas majoritairement de quartiers populaires dans lesquels une population ouvrière est installée depuis longtemps : c'est plutôt le déracinement, lié à la guerre et aux mutations profondes de la société espagnole, qui provoque la fragilité et favorise la déviance. Il apparaît que les enfants de « rouges » ne représentent qu'une minorité des pensionnaires de l'Asilo Durán et de la Colonia San Vicente Ferrer. Néanmoins, les reformatorios constituent un des maillons de la chaîne répressive, de contrôle social et de bienfaisance mise en place par la dictature franquiste avec l'appui de l'Eglise catholique. / This dissertation analyzes the fate of children and teenagers sent to Spanish reformatory schools between 1939 and 1975. It compares the official norm of youth deviance produced by Franco's state with the actual treatment of minors in three institutions: the Asilo Durán in Barcelona, the Colonia San Vicente Ferrer in Valencia and, to a lesser extent, the Casa tutelar San Francisco de Paula in Sevilla. The turbulent history of reformatorios and their antiquated methods reflect the failings of the Spanish State (structural lack of means, strong influence of the Catholic Church). The study of laws shows that Francoism innovates very little in the field of youth deviance management. It merely abrogates the limited reforms of the Republican era and reactivates the policy implemented under the Primo de Rivera Dictatorship. The inmates of reformatory schools are incarcerated for two main motives: theft and indiscipline. They are not from traditional working class neighborhoods: social frailty and related deviant behaviors are rather caused by the loss of roots due to the war and the deep mutations of Spanish society. Children of “reds” only accounted for a minority of inmates of the Asilo Durán and of the Colonia San Vicente Ferrer. Reformatorios are nevertheless a component of the policy of repression, social control and charity set up by Franco's dictatorship with the support of the Catholic Church.

The conception of the primary school in the reform tendendency of the Czechoslovak Republic in the period of the 1st republic This dissertation should help to make a summary in the czech educational system, primarily at the primary school, in the period of the 1st republic. It compares the 1st republic educational system with todays situation in this topic during permanent reformatory efforts. I hope this dissertation will help for better orientation in the school reformatory movement in the period of the 1st republic and it will bring some useful food for thought about the contemporary situation in the pedagogical and educational field from the point of view of teacher.

This study of the Philanthropic Society (later the Royal Philanthropic Society) sets out to explain how it survived during many shifts in thinking about the treatment of juvenile offenders in nineteenth-century Britain. The study also pays particular attention to relationships between the Society and the state, showing how the Society was gradually drawn into dependence on the state. The thesis begins with an overview of the Society's work prior to its decision to move from London to Redhill in 1849. Next it proceeds to a close study of the Society's work until the end of the century. The decision to concentrate on the Redhill Farm School reflects not only changing views about the reformation of young offenders, but also the financial imperatives which forced the Society along paths shaped by the state. Close attention is paid to the way Parliamentary inquiries and commissions, which in the mid-Victorian period tended to laud the Society as a model, later criticized it for lagging behind advanced thinking. Interwoven within this narratives are descriptions of the specific measures the Society took for training and caring for boys at Redhill. It explores the nature of unpaid labour, training and discipline enforced at the farm school. It also examines the variety of subjects taught during the years a boy would spend working within a strict discipline, and the methods used to enforce such discipline. Another subject worthy of extended consideration is the Society's enthusiasm for emigration to British colonies following a boy's term of incarceration. The thesis closes with an examination of how and why the Society lost its reputation as a leader in the treatment of young offenders in the late-Victorian period, as government imposed new rules and regulations. The overall argument is that the Society born as the result of moral panics about children at risk became a long-term survivor as the result of partnerships with the state.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Adelaide, 1989. / Typescript (Photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 200-206).

The aim of the present thesis is to study radical criticism of psychiatry in public discussion in Sweden between 1968 and 1973. Although it was not the first time psychiatry had been challenged, the debate during these years displayed an unprecedented intensity. What is mental illness – a myth, an etiquette, an illusion? Is psychiatry a means of social control? Such were the questions raised at the time. In my thesis, I study the contexts as well as the arguments of these discussions. To this end, a great variety of sources have been consulted: books, newspapers, magazines, films etc. In part, the Swedish debate on psychiatry ran parallel to international discussions on the topic, which have been regarded as a manifestation of anti-psychiatry. This standpoint is often associated with psychiatrists such as R. D. Laing, David Cooper and Thomas Szasz. In my thesis, I challenge the concept of anti-psychiatry, arguing that other concepts are better suited to capture the diversity of the debate in all its nuances. Thus, I make use of radical and reformatory criticism – concepts which have been suggested by the sociologist Tommy Svensson – while also seeking to develop them further. In addition to the international perspective, the psychiatry debate must also be interpreted in its specifically Swedish context. One aspect of this is the Swedish tradition of Government Official Reports: psychiatry had been subject to many investigations prior to the debate in the 1960s and 1970s, and others would follow in its wake. Another characteristic feature of the Swedish debate is two events that formed very suitable targets for critique: Sociopatutredningen and Mentalhälsokampanjen. These events seemed to confirm the most farreaching concerns of the radical critics, namely that psychiatry is a means of social control.

Typescript (Photocopy) Bibliography: leaves 200-206.