The study focuses on and explores the Southern African Development Community’s activities to determine whether the intended objectives have been accomplished as stated in its purpose statement. The study argues that the achievement of the Southern Africa Development Community’s purpose statement is important with regard to the implementation of developmental initiatives. This is because the SADC objectives are measured in the operationalisation and implementation of policies and the operationalisation of key activities. The Southern African region is rich in natural resources but lacks the political will and capacity for the institutionalisation of key processes to, among others, alleviate poverty and HIV/AIDS and address human security matters. This study revealed that SADC did not achieve all its intended objectives. Several challenges, such as the full convertibility of regional currencies among member states still need to be addressed. One of the major challenges impacting negatively on the implementation and completion of SADC’s projects are the capacity, skills and expertise to drive key business processes. This study has found that in spite of complexities and challenges to implement SADC’s policies and programmes as stated in its purpose statement, there is a need to align the member states’ priorities with SADC’s objectives to maximise impact and overall successful execution thereof. Coupled with this challenge is another crucial challenge relating to the SADC structure, mechanisms and methodologies that are used for achieving SADC’s objectives. The study revealed that the structures, mechanisms and methodologies are inadequate to successfully implement and evaluate SADC’s projects. Consequently, this study proposes some reforms in SADC’s Regional Indicative Strategic Plan that should be considered and integrated into the national plans, budgets and priorities of all SADC member states. Critically, it is important to ensure the alignment and buy-in of member states with regard to the development and implementation of SADC’s projects and programmes in the Southern African region. Firstly, the study proposes that partnerships with research institutions should be explored to strengthen the limited capacity of SADC’s Secretariat. Benchmarking and best practices with other international government organisations such as the African Union and the United Nations will provide a platform to improve the current activities of SADC to be more focused towards the desired outcomes. Secondly, v SADC’s activities that are linked to its objectives should be intensified through the mobilisation of resources and expertise that are geared to all key result areas to improve regional integration and ultimately the achievement of SADC’s objectives as stated in its purpose statement. / Public Administration & Management / M.P.A.

This thesis is a study of attitudes to regional and national identity in Kabylia, a Berber-speaking region in northeast Algeria, and among Kabyle migrants in Paris. I illustrate how Kabyles nurture a fragile balance of nationalism and regional particularism through a primarily moral notion of local community, and extend it to an alternative vision for an Algerian nation which they believe has been debased by a corrupt state regime and Arabo-Islamic ideology since national independence. The thesis is based on two years of ethnographic fieldwork divided between two places – Paris and a large village in Kabylia – and reflects my interest in how people ‘imagine’ national community through their experience as members of smaller social groups. Many Kabyle activists today formulate an alternative vision of Algerian national politics as a federation of several regionally based affective communities, each maintaining internal solidarity. This echoes a tendency in French colonial writings on Kabylia, discussed in the opening chapter, to conceive of the region as an island, intensively connected yet defensive of its autonomy. As citizens of the existing Algerian state, many Kabyles contest assimilation by claiming to represent Algeria’s ‘true past’, and investing contemporary governance initiatives with its values. They represent the radical difference that this implies with metaphors of the Kabyle community as a family within ‘public’ national life, and accuse the state regime of reversing this relationship by adopting a language of coercive authority appropriate only within the family. The transmission of Kabyle values today relies heavily on music, and especially political song, which I demonstrate – beyond its role in disseminating dissident ideas – acts as a vehicle for a type of secular revealed knowledge widely seen as the purest embodiment of Kabyle morality. Beyond the hollow rhetoric of Western liberalism that some see in Kabyle activism, I set out to demonstrate that the particular narrative of identity that I examine, in stressing regional uniqueness at the expense of recognition from a centralized state, also reflects anomalies inherent in the concept of ‘nationalism’ itself as a compromise between the requirements of external co-operation and internal allegiance.

Through ethnography, I examine how hip-hop’s expressive forms are being used as the raw materials of everyday life by residents of the San Francisco Bay Area, home to what many regard as one of the most stylistically prolific, politically charged, and racially diverse hip-hop “scenes” in the world. This focus on regional specificity provides a greater understanding of the impact hip-hop is having on the ground, as an aspect of localized lived practice. Throughout, I make the case for the importance of ethnographically grounded localized research on U.S. hip-hop, which is surprisingly still relatively rare. Most scholars simply stress its continuity within a set of deterritorialized Diasporic African and African-American verbal-art traditions. My aim is not to contest this assertion, but to add to the body of knowledge about one of the most significant cultural inventions of the twentieth century by exploring hip-hop’s racial heterogeneity and its regional specificity. Acknowledging this kind of diversity allows us to reconceive what hip-hop is and how it matters in U.S. society beyond the ways it is usually framed: as either an oppositional form of black-vernacular culture or a co-opted and corrupted commodity form that reinscribes hegemonic values more than it actually contests them. Examining hip-hop within a specific, regionally delineated community reveals how hip-hop’s role in American life is more nuanced and complex. It is neither a pure vernacular expression of an oppressed class nor merely a cultural commodity imposed upon consumers and alienated from producers. In the Bay Area, hip-hop “heads” simultaneously consume mass-produced rap while producing homespun forms of music, dance, slang, fashion, and folklore. Through these forms, they construct individual and group identities that register primarily in expressive, affective terms. These novel cultural identities complicate rigid social markers of race, gender, and class; more specifically, they challenge the widely held perception that hip-hop is solely the terrain of inner-city young African-American men. More fundamentally, a sense of belonging is engendered through localized modes of expression and embodied style that manifest through shared practices, discourses, texts, symbols, locales, and imaginaries. / text

現階段國內對於澳洲與南太島國關係之研究較少，澳洲研究多著重在與美日及東南亞等國之關係，本論文目的即在透過新區域主義之觀點，探討澳洲的南太政策及其對該區域整合之影響。 在論述過程中，本論文廣泛從澳洲與南太島國在各領域之互動，如高層互訪、經貿交流、援外政策、國防合作以及在區域組織之互動來觀察南太地區共享價值與區域認同的形成，以分析並預測南太地區形成新區域主義的前景。 透過本論文之分析與論述，筆者認為，以澳洲積極參與南太區域組織及全力協助解決島國所遭遇之不同難題觀之（太平洋島國論壇、索羅門群島危機…等），澳洲對南太地區事務之介入日深，這當然也是基於澳洲自身的國家利益，然而在積極參與南太事務的同時，澳洲必需妥甚處理其與南太島國的關係，避免被貼上區域霸權或過度干預的標籤。 / Currently, most Australian studies in Taiwan are focused on Australian relations with the US, Japan and ASEAN instead of South Pacific countries. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze Australia’s South Pacific policies and their impacts on the regional integration through the viewpoint of neo-regionalism. This thesis looks at Australia’s relations with the Pacific countries in various fields such as high-level official visits, trade and business, foreign aid, defense cooperation and activities in the Pacific regional regimes to observe the formation of share values and regional identification in the region in order to analyze and predict the prospects of neo-regionalism in the South Pacific. This thesis finds that Australia is deeply involved in the South Pacific affairs by participating regional activities and helping to solve different problems in those island countries (PIF, Solomon Island Crisis…). Of course, national interest is Australia’s main concern. However, Australia has to deal with its relations with island countries very carefully while it’s involving in different regional affairs in order not to be considered as regional hegemon or over intervention.

Il est reconnu que les résultats électoraux au Canada varient grandement selon la région. Afin de trouver des explications à ce phénomène, il convient d’étudier comment les grandes régions du Canada se distinguent les unes des autres sur le plan politique. La présente recherche amorce cette étude sous l’angle de l’idéologie. Elle tente de déterminer en quoi l’idéologie politique diffère d’une région à l’autre du pays. Elle s’appuie sur les données des études électorales canadiennes de 2008. On a recours à des questions évaluant les préférences des répondants par rapport à plusieurs enjeux politiques pour répondre à la question de recherche. On conduit en premier lieu une analyse factorielle, qui identifie six facteurs qui ont structuré l’opinion publique lors de l’élection de 2008. Ensuite, des tests T sont conduits pour vérifier si les moyennes de ces facteurs idéologiques sont statistiquement différentes d’une région à l’autre. Les résultats montrent que les différences régionales sont souvent significatives et suivent les hypothèses. Toutefois, les résultats touchant à la privatisation de la santé ainsi qu’au Manitoba et à la Saskatchewan vont à l’encontre des attentes. / It is widely known that electoral results in Canada vary greatly from one region to the next. To explain this phenomenon, it is only appropriate to study how Canadian regions differ from each other politically. The current research is especially interested in regional variations in political ideology. The research relies on data from the 2008 Canadian Electoral Studies. It uses opinion statements to assess respondents’ political preferences to answer the research question. A factor analysis is conducted from these variables to highlight six ideological dimensions. Furthermore, t-tests are used to verify if regional differences on these ideological dimensions are statistically significant. Results show that differences across regions are very often significant and follow hypotheses. However, results regarding the privatization of healthcare and the Midwest run counter to expectations.

The aim of this thesis is to make a clear reflection of folklorism in the Czech Art Nouveau painting at the turn of 19th and 20th century. This era is characterized by the effort of artists to follow the development in western art as well as to find their own Czech way to the modern art. The establishment of new societies of art and the impact of art critics - leading personalities of cultural life - is another feature of this period. The last quarter of 19th century is the time connected with the national revival era, when the folk culture is seen as pure and original. The culmination of so called "ethnographic movement" is the Czech-Slavonic Ethnographical Exhibition which took place in Prague in 1895. This event was the main reason for the fact that many artist suddenly started to feel sympathies for the folk topics even though in the past they were interested in different themes. In the middle of these two tendencies: desire to follow the western development and the attempt to find an inspiration in folk culture, grew the work of so called "regional painters". This thesis aims to characterize this phenomenon and to exemplify it on the basis of artwork of selected regional artists. Main part of this thesis is dedicated to the life and work of Jaroslav Špillar who was the significant figure of...

This thesis examines characteristics of the economic governance, its levels and changes that were made in response to events in Southeast Asia in 1997/1998. it describes in detail the role of levels of the economic governance during the solution of the asian financial crisis, that exposed its vulnerabilities. In response to the crisis many changes took place. In the region of Southeast Asia these changes were designed to reform the International Monetary Fund, the origin of regional cooperation in the area and reforms in particular countries of the region. The thesis also contains the evaluation of the development of the economic governance in particilar states of Southeast Asia regarding world governance indicators WGI.

As organizações regionais (ORs) latino-americanas têm atuado de maneira formal em segurança cidadã há pelo menos 20 anos. Em diferentes tratados, declarações, planos de ação, projetos, atas, entre outros documentos das organizações regionais, seja na América do Sul seja na América Central, evidencia-se que há uma relação importante entre segurança cidadã e consolidação democrática. Tendo em vista isto, esta tese tem como objetivo responder as seguintes perguntas de pesquisa: Qual é a visão das Organizações Regionais acerca da relação entre consolidação de democracia e segurança cidadã na região latino-americana? E, qual tem sido o papel das ORs, com algum nível institucional formalizado de cooperação em segurança cidadã, na consolidação democrática na América Latina? É uma pesquisa de viés qualitativo baseada em dois estudos de caso: o Sistema de Integração Centro-Americano (SICA) e a União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) entre os anos de 2008-2018, período no qual ambas as ORs tiveram ações focadas (projetos e planos de ação) em segurança cidadã. A metodologia utilizada será de process tracing, como também de comparative process tracing entre as ORs. Os resultados desta tese apontam que ambas as organizações regionais possuem a visão de que ações em cooperação em segurança cidadã podem promover consolidação democrática através do fortalecimento do Estado de direito. Contudo, os atores são céticos sobre as capacidades de suas ORs em terem êxito, uma vez que o papel delas em consolidação democrática, através de cooperação em segurança cidadã, é pontual ou inexistente, sobretudo, pela falta de efetividade das mesmas. A conclusão é que as ORs analisadas produzem muito em termos de documentos, mas fazem pouco em termos de prática para concretizar suas ambições, refletindo as falhas do próprio regionalismo latino-americano. Assim, a falta de vontade política, a falta de capacidade institucional e o déficit recursos (humanos e financeiros) são as grandes barreiras para se ter êxito nas ações de segurança cidadã e, consequentemente, efeitos em fortalecimento do Estado de direito na região. / The Latin American regional organizations (ROs) have been working in a formal manner in citizen security at least for the last 20 years. In different treaties, declarations, action plans, projects, minutes and other documents of the regional organizations, whether in South America whether Central America, it is evident there is an important relation between citizen security and democratic consolidation. In this way, this work aims to answer the followings research questions: What is the vision of the Regional Organizations about the relationship between democratic consolidation and citizen security in Latin America? In addition, what has been the role of the ROs, with some formalized level of cooperation in citizen security, in Latin American democratic consolidation? It is a qualitative bias research based on two case studies: The Central American Integration System and the Union of the South American Nations between the years of 2008-2018, during which time both regional organizations had actions (projects and action plans) focused in citizen security. The methodology utilized will be the process tracing, as well as the comparative process tracing between the ROs. The results show that both organizations have the vision that the actions in citizen security can promote democratic consolidation through the strengthening of the rule of law. However, the actors are skeptical about their ROs\' ability to succeed, since their role in democratic consolidation, through cooperation in citizen security, is punctual or non-existent, mainly because of their lack of effectiveness. The conclusion is that the ROs analyzed produce a lot in terms of documents, but they do little in terms of practice to achieve their ambitions, reflecting the failures of Latin American regionalism itself. Therefore, the lack of political will, the lack of institutional capacity and the deficit in resources (human and financial) are the great barriers to success in citizen security actions and, consequently, effects on strengthening of the rules of law in the region.

Os países da América Latina experimentaram, na década de 1950, um forte estímulo para o regionalismo econômico. O avanço dos processos de industrialização nas principais economias da região, por um lado, e as restrições políticas e econômicas presentes no novo ordenamento internacional do pós-guerra, por outro, tornaram aquela conjuntura histórica receptiva às propostas genuinamente elaboradas no seio da Comissão Econômica para América Latina e Caribe (CEPAL) de uma maior colaboração, cooperação e integração entre os países da região. O Brasil, nesse contexto, se deparou com duas diferentes iniciativas de integração regional que tiveram desfechos contrários. A primeira, assumida como uma tentativa frustrada de reedição do Pacto ABC de 1915, buscava entrelaçar as economias de Argentina, Brasil e Chile sob a rubrica de uma união aduaneira. A assinatura da Ata de Santiago entre Juan D. Perón e Carlos Ibañez Del Campo em fevereiro de 1953 não amainou o cenário para a adesão do Brasil; ao contrário, inflamou a oposição interna ao governo brasileiro, tornando a proposta objeto de denúncia contra Getúlio Vargas. A falta de apoio político interno levaria o governo Vargas a adotar uma atitude realista e instrumental frente à proposta abecista. Já a segunda ocasião referiu-se ao bem-sucedido processo de formação da Associação Latino-Americana de Livre Comércio (ALALC), concretizado após subscrição do Tratado de Montevidéu em fevereiro de 1960. A elaboração do projeto alalquiano por comissões técnicas interestatais contando com amplo e decisivo suporte cepalino contribuiu para despolitizar internamente o tema da integração econômica regional e garantir sua efetivação com o total apoio do governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Trata-se aqui de analisar a recepção e repercussão no Brasil de tais propostas integracionistas e buscar compreender as motivações e interesses que conduziram o processo de definição da participação brasileira a resultados contrários, em uma conjuntura política e econômica relativamente semelhante. A hipótese que orienta as análises específicas é que a correlação interna de forças políticas, e os interesses econômicos e influências sociais nela implicados, fora determinante para definir a oportunidade e/ou as expectativas de concretização dos blocos econômicos regionais. / The countries of Latin America received, in the 1950s, a strong stimulus for economic regionalism. The advance of industrialization processes in the major economies of the region, on the one hand, and the political and economic constraints present in the new international order of the post-war, on the other, become this historical juncture receptive to proposals genuinely prepared within the Economic Commission Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) for greater collaboration, cooperation and integration among the region countries. The Brazil, in this context, was faced with two different regional integration initiatives that had opposing outcomes. The first, taken as a failed attempt to reissue the ABC Pact of 1915, sought to intertwine the economies of Argentina, Brazil and Chile under the rubric of a customs union. The signing of the Minutes of Santiago between Juan D. Perón and Carlos Ibañez Del Campo in February 1953 not abated the controversies for Brazil\'s adherence; instead inflamed the internal opposition to the Brazilian government, making the proposal a subject of complain against Vargas. The lack of domestic political support would take the Vargas government to adopt a realistic and instrumental attitude towards abecista proposal. The second occasion referred to the successful process of formation of the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), achieved after signing of the Treaty of Montevideo in February 1960. The preparation of the project alalquiano by intergovernmental commissions techniques relying on broad and decisive support ECLAC contributed to internally depoliticize the issue of regional economic integration and ensure its implementation with the full support of the government of Juscelino Kubitschek. Seeks to analyze the reception and influence in Brazil of such integrationist proposals and understand the motivations and interests that led the process of defining Brazilian participation to contrary results in political and economic conditions relatively similar. The hypothesis that guides specific analyzes is that the internal correlation of political forces, and the economic interests and social influences involved in it, was determining for defining opportunities and / or expectations of achievement of regional economic blocs.

A presente tese propõe um estudo pormenorizado da correspondência de Luís da Câmara Cascudo com Mário de Andrade, Joaquim Inojosa, Gilberto Freyre e José Américo de Almeida (de 1922 a 1984), tendo como objetivo ampliar o debate historiográfico travado em torno da tentativa de restringir a produção intelectual de Cascudo à sua filiação ao Movimento Modernista ou ao Movimento Regionalista Tradicionalista do Nordeste. Para tanto, trataremos do debate suscitado pela epistolografia cascudiana, com ênfase na correspondência ativa de Cascudo editada e publicada antes e depois da publicação do volume Cartas de Mário de Andrade a Luís da Câmara Cascudo (2000), organizado por Veríssimo de Melo. Por intermédio das cartas enviadas por Monteiro Lobato, Rocha Pombo, Pedro de Orleans e Bragança & Guilherme Auler, disponíveis no acervo do Ludovicus Instituto Câmara Cascudo, buscamos demonstrar que para além do debate sobre o Modernismo no campo da crítica literária, houve durante o período de correspondência com Mário de Andrade a aproximação e o interesse de Câmara Cascudo em relação ao campo historiográfico, como a associação ao pensamento conservador monárquico. Empenhamo-nos em reconstituir as redes de sociabilidades intelectuais estabelecidas através da correspondência, tomando-as como arquivos da criação das obras e ideias sobre os movimentos anteriormente referidos. Buscamos demonstrar de maneira circunstanciada as complexas relações existentes na historiografia do regionalismo e modernismo no contexto da modernização da região Nordeste do Brasil, analisando as atitudes dos atores envolvidos no processo, assim como as contradições que ele implica. / This thesis proposes a detailed study of the correspondence written by Luís da Câmara Cascudo along with Mário de Andrade, Joaquim Inojosa, Gilberto Freyre and José Américo de Almeida (1922 - 1984). The objective is to widen the historiographical discussion around the attempt to restrict Cascudos intellectual production and his affiliation to the Modernist Movement or to the Traditionalist Regionalist Movement from the Northeast. For this purpose, we will approach the debate caused by Cascudos epistolography giving emphasis to his active correspondence which was edited and published before and right after the publication of the volume Cartas de Mário de Andrade a Luís da Câmara Cascudo (2000), organized by Veríssimo de Melo. Based on letters written by Monteiro Lobato, Rocha Pombo, Pedro de Orleans, and Bragança & Guilherme Auler, available at the collection of Ludovicus Instituto Câmara Cascudo, we demonstrate that Cascudo goes beyond the debate on Modernism, on the field of literary criticism. In fact, during the period he and Mário de Andrade were corresponding, Cascudo showed interest and approached the field of historiography, relating to the monarchic conservative thought. We put effort to reconstruct the network of intellectual sociability established through the correspondence that was used as files for the creation of his work and ideas about the movements previously mentioned. We demonstrate in details the complex relations that exist in the historiography of the regionalism and modernism, in the context of the modernization in the Northeast Part of Brazil, analyzing the attitude of those who are involved in the process and the contradictions of the process itself.