Paralelamente aos esforços dos países, sob a liderança norte-americana, para a construção de um sistema multilateral de comércio mais livre e mais integrado, o pós-guerra assistiu a esforços regionalistas sob a forma de Acordos Regionais de Comércio (ARCs). Impulsionados pela experiência européia, países na América Latina e na África engajaram-se na formação de ARCs nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, sem grande sucesso, marcando o primeiro momento regionalista. A ordem internacional após Guerra Fria foi marcada pelo reavivamento do regionalismo com a celebração de novos ARCs e o relançamento de antigos acordos, marcando o segundo momento. A formação de ARCs, especialmente a explosão de acordos desde a inauguração da OMC, tem suscitado discussões entre o multilateralismo e o regionalismo, se seriam complementares ou contraditórios. A percepção da importância que assumiram os ARCs na teoria econômica e nas relações econômicas internacionais desperta o interesse sobre os motivos que levam os países a formarem esses acordos e a despenderem tanto tempo e esforço em sua formação. De acordo com a análise tradicional, os países buscam os ARCs como forma de aumentar as trocas comerciais e os investimentos entre os países membros por meio da redução de barreiras alfandegárias. Embora estejam presentes nos ARCs e sejam importantes nos cálculos dos países na formação desse acordo, os motivos tradicionais não conferem um explicação completa, especialmente quando se considera novo regionalismo, marcado por grandes avanços nas liberalizações multilateral e unilateral. O fato é que os países não buscam a integração apenas por suas razões econômicas intrínsecas, configuradas nos ganhos tradicionais, os ganhos expressos em seus acordos. Além dos ganhos comerciais, muitas vezes, mais importantes que os ganhos econômicos, os países têm outros objetivos quando aderem a arranjos regionais. Em busca de uma teoria mais completa para explicar a formação de ARCs, este trabalho se apoiará em quatro ganhos não-tradicionais: acesso seguro a mercados, segurança, suporte para reformas domésticas e incremento do poder de barganha. / Alongside with the countries efforts, under the leadership of United States, to the construction of a freer and more integrated multilateral trade system, the post-war period witnessed the regionalist efforts in the form of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). Stimulated by the European experience, countries in Latin America and Africa engaged themselves into the formation of RTAs in the 1960\'s and 1970\'s, without much success, determining the first regionalist period. The international order after the Cold War was marked by the revival of regionalism with the signing of new RTAs and the relaunch of old ones, determining the second period. The formation of RTAs, especially the explosion of new agreements since the inauguration of the WTO, has created discussions between multilateralism and regionalism, if they are complementary or contradictory. The perception of the importance assumed by the RTAs in economic theory and in the international economic relations arouses the interest about the reasons that lead countries to form such agreements and spend both time and efforts into their formation. According to the traditional analysis, countries seek RTAs as a way to increase trade and investment among member countries by reducing customs barriers. Despite being present in RTAs and despite being important in the countries calculation during agreements formation, the traditional motives don\'t grant a complete explanation, especially when considering the new regionalism, marked by great progress in the multilateral and unilateral liberalization. The fact is that countries do not seek integration only by its intrinsic economic reasons, configured in the traditional gains, gains that are expressed in their agreements. In addition to trade gains, often, more important than the economic gains, countries have other goals when they join regional arrangements. Searching for a more complete theory to explain the formation of RTAs, this work will be supported by four nontraditional gains: safe markets access, security, support for domestic reforms and increased bargain power.

This thesis uses qualitative ethnographic research methods to present a case study that explores the multiplicity of meanings and representations that are attached to the Old Deery Inn & Museum in Blountville, Tennessee. Within the community, the Inn functions as a center for cultural memory, with the physical structure itself acting as an artifact that holds community identity. This community narrative contrasts with the official narrative used by tourism entities that markets the Inn as a part of the Appalachian region, situating the Inn within a complex and intricately constructed identity of place that is shaped by lived experiences as well as perceived cultural markers. By unraveling the narratives, this study unpacks the ways that the Inn’s various identities figure into the development of current interpretation and management efforts, and the way that this locally important historical site fits into the larger narrative of tourism marketing in East Tennessee.

This study examines how regional cuisine is being self-consciously constructed in the Pacific Northwest and discusses the ways in which it contributes to identity in the region. I identify the characteristics-foods, dishes, and culinary practices-of this "new" Northwest cuisine, as well as social and cultural values associated with it, and explore how together they create a sense of regional distinctiveness and loyalty. Because this type of regional cuisine is closely associated with the professional cooking community, I look to restaurants in Portland, Oregon that self-identity as representative of the Pacific Northwest and to regional cookbooks, in order to pinpoint the characteristics of Northwest cuisine and explore their regional associations. I draw on a number of qualitative methods: an analysis of regional cookbooks, a restaurateur survey, interviews with restaurateurs, and a restaurant menu analysis. The use of the region's many specialty agricultural products-berries, orchard fruits, hazelnuts, and mushrooms-in meat, game, fish and seafood dishes, as well as salads, are defining aspects of Northwest cuisine. Salmon, more so than any other foodstuff, is the quintessential Northwest food. It is historically significant and has reached iconic status in the Pacific Northwest. Because of their association with the region's agricultural history and in some cases its cultural history, regional foodstuffs and the dishes they are used in help satisfy a growing hunger for regional identity and a sense of place among Northwesters. The past these foodstuffs are associated with is idealized and based on the same "Eden" metaphor that brought many settlers to the region during the mid-nineteenth century. By emphasizing the use of regional foodstuffs rather than a shared culinary history, Northwest cuisine embraces new residents from diverse backgrounds as well as "natives."

O comércio internacional de serviços é cada dia mais importante para as economias nacionais e para o comércio global. Por esse motivo, a liberalização comercial do setor de serviços tem sido objeto da maioria dos acordos regionais de comércio celebrados a partir de 1990. As normas sobre serviços estabelecidas por esses acordos coexistem com as normas do GATS, criadas no âmbito da OMC. Não obstante, o Brasil e o Mercosul celebraram pouquíssimos acordos regionais de comércio, apenas no eixo Sul/Sul. Dentre esses acordos, o único que contém normas e procedimentos concretos para a liberalização do comércio de serviços é o ACE Nº 35, entre Mercosul e Chile. Assim, verifica-se que o Mercosul não possui um modelo claro de normas para a abertura do setor de serviços. Não há diretrizes de política externa comum a respeito do tema, a despeito da relevância econômica desse setor para o Brasil e para os demais Estados-membros do bloco. Por sua vez, os principais players do comércio internacional - Estados Unidos, Índia, China e União Europeia - estão inseridos em redes de preferências comerciais envolvendo bens e serviços, que foram construídas ao longo das últimas décadas. Os acordos regionais celebrados por esses players são um importante parâmetro para um modelo de acordo regional em serviços a ser desenvolvido para o Mercosul. Para que o Brasil e o Mercosul não corram fiquem alijados desse processo de integração econômica, é necessário que se engajem no em negociação de preferências comerciais no setor de serviços com players importantes do comércio internacional. Para tanto, devem desenvolver um modelo próprio de regras para a abertura comercial do setor de serviços em acordos regionais de comércio, de forma a estarem mais capacitados para negociar esses acordos. / International trade in services is becoming more important for national economies and for the global commerce. Therefore, rules for the liberalization of the services sector are included in most of the regional trade agreements executed as of 1990. The rules established by these agreements coexist with the WTO rules established by the GATS. Nevertheless, Brazil and Mercosur have signed very few regional trade agreements, which are exclusively South/South agreements. Among these agreements, the only one that contains specific rules and proceedings for the liberalization of the services sector is ACE N ° 35, between Mercosur and Chile. Thus, Mercosur does not have established a pattern concerning regional trade agreement rules in the services sector. There are no common foreign policy guidelines on the subject, despite the economic importance of this sector for Brazil and for the other Member States. The major international trade players - United States, India, China and the European Union have built trade preferences networks involving goods and services over the past decades. Regional trade agreements concluded by those players are an important parameter for a pattern of regional trade agreement rules related to services to be developed by the Mercosur. In order to avoid that Brazil and Mercosur are excluded from this economic integration process, it is necessary to engage in the negotiation of trade preferences in the service sector with major international trade players. Mercosur should develop its own set of rules for the liberalization of the service sector in regional trade agreements as to become more prepared to negotiate such agreements.

Le système mondial des villes a subi une série de transformations à la suite del'intégration des différentes économies nationales dans la globalisation,de l'émergence d'une nouvelle division du travail, de la pénétration du capitaltransnational dans la dynamique locale et de l'importance croissante de services auxproducteurs et aux consommateurs. La mondialisation des villes, avec le phénomènede métropolisation, a changé l'utilisation des sols, l'aménagement des bâtiments etdes projets urbains d’expansion territoriale. Par conséquent elle consitue un nouveaudéfi pour les autorités locales et pour l’Etat en ce qui concerne la planification, lagestion et la gouvernance. L’aménagement moderne doit donc mettre l’accent à la foissur l’expansion territoriale et sur les modèles concurrents qui changent l’utilisationdes espaces urbains. Pour mieux comprendre les dynamiques des villes, notre étudedans le domaine de la géographie économique prend en compte différentes échelles:régionale, nationale et locale. La réflexion théorique est mise en pratique au seind’une analyse comparative entre deux métropoles de la région centraméricaine : laGran Área Metropolitana (GAM) à San José au Costa Rica et l’Área MetropolitanaPacífico (AMP) de Ciudad de Panamá. Nous analyserons ces deux cas à partir desannées 1990, car elles ont marqué de nouveaux défis économiques et politiques nonseulement dans chacune de ces aires métropolitaines mais aussi dans la régioncentroaméricaine. / On a global scale, the system of cities has been subjected to a series oftransformations from their economic integration, the emergence of a new division oflabor, the penetration of transnational capital and the growing importance of servicesfor the producers and the consumers. The globalization of cities, through thephenomenon of metropolization, has greatly changed the use of land, the layout ofbuildings and urban development projects for territorial expansion becoming a newchallenge for local and state authorities to plan, manage and govern. Therefore,modern spatial planning must consider the factor of globalization – that influences theterritorial expansion of cities – as well as the models of competitiveness that modifythe use of land. To get a better understanding of the international dynamics in cityspace, in the discipline of economic geography, our study takes into account differentscales: regional, national and local. Theoretical reflection is put into practice bymeans of a comparative analysis between two metropolises in the Central Americanregion: the Gran Área Metropolitana (GAM) in San José in Costa Rica and the ÁreaMetropolitana Pacífico (AMP) in Panamá City. We will analyze both cases from the1990s onwards because this decade corresponds to the new economic and politicalchallenges that were established in each metropolitan area and in the CentralAmerican region in general.

近代日本將「亞細亞」想像為一個共同體 (imagined community)，在政治、經濟、文化、知識等面向加以呈現，寄託日本自我定位的國族敘事，型塑國家的外交政策與戰略目標。「亞細亞」一度是象徵停滯、落後的符碼，但在1980年代後，隨著日本經濟崛起與區域主義 (regionalism) 勃興，帶有文化意涵的「東亞」轉而成為日本烘托自身優越感的地標，本文即試圖透過對近代日本亞洲論述的梳理和考察，揭示此類話語所反映的認同政治。本文假定，日本對「東亞」的想像空間源自於三重結構，即對抗中華霸權與西方帝國主義的文明論述；以中華帝國為中心、涵括其周邊地區的「前近代」(pre-modern) 朝貢體制與華夷秩序；以及反思西方近代性的知識建構，重建東亞近代性的對話空間。這三重結構轉喻下的日本，呈現三種存在樣態 (mode of being)，即抵抗 (resistance)、鑲嵌 (embeddedness) 與再現 (representation)，三者在不同條件下各有凸顯，但揭示的問題意識 (problematic) 如一，即「東亞」作為對應於「歐洲」或「西方」的「建構的實在」(constructed reality)，擁有與歐洲或西方不同的特質，成為日本據以證成其獨特發展的基底、書寫自我認同的對象，反映知識社群面對他者時的集體焦慮，「東亞」因而在不同時期呈現不同樣態，被賦予不同的政治任務，其間變化必須從「東亞」相對於日本近代化的情境來理解。刻畫西方近代性的「亞細亞」空間與「近代」時間，在知識上予以構連 (articulation) 後，「共同體」的型塑成為日本在東方與西方、自我與他者、區域與全球之間依違擺盪的認同地標，抵抗的意義旨於再現自我，鑲嵌的異化證成抵抗的合法性，而再現最終又回歸鑲嵌的論域。本文的設計重點在於揭示一種研究途徑，透過不同立場的經典閱讀，探討東亞近代性構圖中涉及政治地理學的基本問題，闡述日本的亞洲想像之所以以「共同體」為念，並非地理概念的「亞洲中心主義」(Asia-centrism)，而是日本近代化進程中「東方之故鄉」式的情感體現與文明政治，延伸的軸線則是建構歷史主體的自覺意識，既是彰顯國族敘事的辯證命題，也是自我定位的知識建構。 / Modern Japan regards "Ajia" as an imagined community, and exhibits in the political, economic, cultural and epistemic aspects, commits Japan's nationalist narrative of self-orientation accordingly, and shapes her foreign policy and strategic objectives . In modern Japan, "Ajia" was once a negative term by indicating stagnant, laggard, but in the 1980s, as Japan's economy has been developing rapidly and regionalism gaining popularity, the "East Asia" (Tōa) instead became the symbol of heightening her superiority with its cultural implications, this dissertation is trying to reveal the identity politics reflected by such Asianism discourses. This dissertation assumes that Japan's "East Asia" imagination derived from the following triplet structure that is civilization discourse of resisting the hegemony of Chinese and Western imperialism; "pre-modern" Sino-Barbarian (Hua-Yi) tributary system; and reflection to Western modernity knowledge construction, reconstructing the East Asian modernity for dialogue space. Under the triplet structure, there were three kinds of mode of being in modern Japan: resistance, embeddedness and representation, each had been highlighted under different conditions, but the problematic manifested as one, that is the "East Asia" was a "constructed reality" corresponded to the "Europe" or "the West" with different characteristics, constituted the perceptive understructure of Japan's unique development road, and illustrated in self-identity writing context, underlined the collective anxiety of her knowledge community when faced with "the others". As a result, "East Asia" implied its different significances at different stages, and been given different political tasks, during which the change must be understood from the "East Asia" relative to Japan’s context of modernization. After articulation of knowledge, the spatial "Ajia" and temporal "Kindai" which depicted the Eurocentric modernity, converged on Japan’s "community" imagination that swung between the East and West, self and the others, regional and global identity landmarks. The implication of resistance aimed at self-representation, as alienated embeddedness justified the legitimacy of resistance, and representation returned to the field of embeddedness discourse eventually.

<p>Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.</p>

<p>This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial. </p><p>This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP. </p><p>The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.</p>

This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial. This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP. The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

<p>Regional integration is being proposed as a means to development in Southern Africa. As a part of the formal agreements regarding this cooperation, a Protocol on Education in the Southern African Development Community region has been signed. This research set out to compare the higher education systems of two Southern African countries and to examine the extent to which this Protocol has had an impact on national policies and practices. The research sought to investigate this by means of exploring the extent to which the Protocol has provided an institutional frame which is guiding the development of higher education policy in each of the two countries. The findings of the study indicate that the Protocol, rather than providing leadership in the area of education policy, is to a large extent a symbolic document, reflective of norms already existent in national policy in the two countries studied.&nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / &nbsp / </p>