Proefschrift--Groningen. / English summary; p. 116-119. "Stellingen": [4] p. laid in. "Literatuur" at end of each chapter.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio University, June, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-170).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1942. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 199-207).

AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF UMIT KARTAL, for the Master of Arts degree in PHILOSOPHY, presented on September 29, 2011, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: PUBLIC SPACE MUST BE DEFENDED. HANNAH ARENDT'S CONCEPTION OF POLITICS AND THE PUBLIC SPACE: ITS PROMISES AND LIMITS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Kenneth Stikkers This thesis is an examination of Hannah Arendt's reconsideration of the meaning of politics and her systematic search for the recovery of the public spaces. Her scrutiny of the meaning of politics is determined by the disastrous outcomes of totalitarian experiences from both ends of the political spectrum, namely, Nazism and Stalinism. For Arendt, the phenomenon of totalitarianism deserted the human world and brought new issues forth, such as statelessness, rightlessness, homelessness, and worldlessness. These phenomena, Arendt holds, run parallel to the collapse of the essential articulations of the human condition, which can be distinguished in sheer thoughtlessness, speechlessness, and lack of judgment. It is due to these unprecedented and unanticipated issues, which cannot be addressed by traditional political categories, Arendt invites us to grapple with the meaning of politics anew. The basic definition of politics, for Arendt, is human plurality, namely, our coexistence in a common world which enables differences and diversities of perspectives to appear. The question what politics means, for Arendt, is inextricably tied to what its distinctive locus is, namely, the public space or space of appearances. The emergence of the social resulted in blurring the distinctive line between the public realm and the private realm. Then, the recovery of the public space is of a central place in Arendt's political theory. Through Arendt's reconsideration of the meaning of politics and the recovery of the public space we are provided a comprehensive framework to think about a more inclusive and democratic politics. Nevertheless, we are challenged by a set of problems: a very sharp distinction between the public realm and the private realm, a contrast between the social and political, and a lack of systematic interest in democracy. First, I concentrate on Arendt's insightful analysis of politics and the public space in turn. Then I focus on the problematic aspects of her political theory. Finally, I argue that these problematic aspects can be complemented by a comparative reading of Arendt with John Dewey. I conclude that Dewey offers us a more dynamic criterion to decide the line between the private realm and the public realm. Instead of opposing the social to political, Dewey extends the scope of politics by taking every aspects of social life into consideration. The recovery of the public, for him, depends essentially on democracy, which is identified to the experience of local community.

Partindo da ideia de que, para Hannah Arendt, Origens do totalitarismo não esgota a questão do totalitarismo, a tese pretende mostrar o primeiro passo dado pela autora no aprofundamento da questão. A argumentação se inicia com a afirmação arendtiana de que os campos de concentração funcionaram como laboratórios onde até mesmo a personalidade e a espontaneidade dos seres humanos foram concebidas como coisas e, portanto, como sujeitas ao conhecimento. Esta constatação colocou o problema do humano no centro do pensamento da autora. Ao confirmar uma antiga suspeita contra a tradição de filosofia política, Arendt se engajou em sua desmontagem servindo-se de certa análise de alguns filósofos pós-hegelianos (sobretudo Marx) e da crítica ao procedimento de differentia specifica para a determinação da essência do ser humano. Em um passo seguinte, lançou-se à formulação de uma nova maneira de pensar o humano e, para evitar o recurso a essências, apoiou-se sobre as diferentes temporalidades das atividades humanas. O resultado deste movimento é A condição humana, livro em que a vita activa é apresentada em termos temporais e o conceito de ação é formulado como uma temporalidade aberta ancorada na pluralidade. Isto faz do conceito de ação um entrave teórico ao totalitarismo, uma vez que insere o indeterminado no centro do pensar político tornando impossível o conhecimento do agir. / Since for Hannah Arendt the question of totalitarianism is not completely solved with The Origins of Totalitarianism, I intend to show her first steps toward a deeper level of this question. I start with her claim that concentration camps were comparable to laboratories in which even men\'s personality and spontaneity were conceived as sheer things, thus being subject to knowledge. This observation leads the problem of human to the center of her thought. After confirming a suspicion harbored against the tradition of political philosophy, Arendt binds herself to dismantle the tradition, a task carried out through an analysis of post-hegelian thinkers (specially Marx) and the critique of differentia specifica as a proceeding to determine human beings\' essence. Her following step was the formulation of a new way to think about human and, in order to avoid the use of essences, she leans on the different temporalities of human activities. The outcome of this movement is The Human Condition, a book in which vita activa is described in temporal terms and the concept of action structured on an open temporality based on plurality. The concept of action became a theoretical blockade against totalitarianism as it places the indeterminate in the center of political thinking thus making it impossible to know a priori human action.

Trata-se de investigar a atividade da compreensão em Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, assumiremos como horizonte desta pesquisa alguns aspectos do fenômeno totalitário. Nossa hipótese é que a compreensão, ao contrário de outras atividades mentais, está intimamente ligada ao mundo. Além disso, o compreender influencia a atitude dos indivíduos na medida em que os atrela aos acontecimentos. Por conseguinte, compreensão e acontecimento engendram uma nova experiência espaço-temporal, mediante a qual os fatos são desnaturalizados, abrindo-se, assim, à inspeção humana. A abertura operada pela compreensão não é, como poderíamos supor, de todo exterior ao homem. Segundo Arendt, o domínio do mundo e o domínio do pensamento comunicam suas experiências através das metáforas. Analisar o modo como o pensar se manifesta no mundo e como as experiências mundanas são apreendidas pelo pensamento mostrase fundamental para um bom entendimento da atividade da compreensão. / We intend to investigate the activity of understanding in Hannah Arendt. Therefore we will base this research on some aspects of the totalitarian phenomenon. Our hypothesis is that understanding, unlike other mental activities, is closely connected to the world. Furthermore, the activity of understanding influences the attitude of the men as approaches them to the events. Thus, understanding and events create a new space-time experience, by which facts are not naturalized, so the events are open to the human inspection. The opening created by the understanding is not, as we might suppose, external to men. According to Arendt, world and thought spaces communicate their experiences through metaphors. To analyze how the thinking manifests itself in the world and how the mundane experiences are apprehended by thought is crucial to reveal the implications of understanding.

Le totalitarisme nazi, la souffrance, la mort de masse et d’êtres chers constituent des formes d’anéantissement présentes dans les parcours de Vladimir Jankélévitch, Jean Améry, Paul Celan et Jorge Semprun. Rescapés de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ils ont subi, à des degrés divers, et dans des circonstances différentes, les épreuves de l’exil et des camps. Leurs expériences respectives de la Résistance, de la déportation, de la torture, de la tentation du suicide ouvrent à des écrits et des réflexions majeurs. La mémoire et la voix y sont convoquées afin de s’opposer au totalitarisme et à ses conséquences : la souffrance, le risque de la prescription conduisant à celui de l’oubli, et le caractère irréversible de la torture. Tandis que le bourreau a pour objectif de nier l’humanité de chaque supplicié, le rôle de la voix et de l’écoute sont déterminants. L’opéra Tosca illustre cette tension. La douleur confère à l’instant et à l’ipséité de chaque supplicié une expérience strictement individuelle qui peut néanmoins être décrite : l’invivable n’est pas nécessairement indicible.Voix et mémoire s’inscrivent dans l’inachevé. L’ascension, dans le quasi-silence désespérant des années trente, et le triomphe temporaire du nazisme, que la propagande radiophonique assure pour partie, puis sa défaite complète appellent la transformation dans la durée de l’Allemagne. Concomitamment, les évolutions musicales marquent des formes de refus de la répétition pour échapper à l’aliénation.Le cri possède pour fonction d’alerter. Mais de la mémoire de la Shoah au suicide, l’appel insurmontable de l’anéantissement conduit à revivre une violence que le poème et la musique tentent de surmonter. / Nazi totalitarianism, suffering, mass killing -including loved ones-, are all forms of annihilation that Vladimir Jankélévitch, Jean Améry, Paul Celan and Jorge Semprun went through. World War II survivors, they endured, at varying intensities and through different circumstances, the hardship of exile and of the camps.Their respective experiences of torture, deportation, the Resistance, and their consideration of suicide have brought prominent works and should lead us to major reflections.Remembrance and voice are weapons involved in the fight against totalitarianism and its consequences, of which: suffering, the risk of prescription leading to that of forgetting, and the irreversibility of torture.While the torturer aims to deny even the humanity of its victims, the role of voice and listening are decisive. Tosca Opera gives an accurate representation of this tension. Pain confers to the moment and to the uniqueness of each victim a strictly individual experience, which can nevertheless be described: the unbearable is not unspeakable. Voice and remembrance fall within the ‘unfinished’. Nazism’s ascent —in the practically desperate silence of the thirties—, its temporary triumph —that radio propaganda partly ensures—, and ultimately its complete defeat, call for the profound transformation of Germany overtime. Simultaneously, the contemporaneous cultural developments highlight the rejection of recurrence in music, in an attempt to escape alienation. The purpose of screaming is to alert. But from the Holocaust memory until the very notion of suicide, the devastating call of annihilation amounts to experience once more a violence that poetry and music seek to overcome.

Please note: Editorial Studies works are permanently embargoed in OpenBU. No public access is forecasted for this item. To request private access, please click on the locked Download file link, and fill out the appropriate web form. / This dissertation considers the life and art of Osip Mandelstam in the 1930s, under the aspect of a disjunction between Mandelstam's posthumous image and the biographical evidence that emerged between 1993 and 2010. It traces this disjunction not solely to prior lack of information but also to the moral ambiguities that complicate the reception of this biographical material. Among the chief difficulties of Mandelstam's biography is his testimony to the OGPU, in which Mandelstam gave the names of those among his friends to whom he had recited his "Stalin Epigram." Close analysis of the exact words of the interrogation protocols, along with memoir evidence, is used to establish that the protocols constitute digests of information elicited previously by coercion. This conjecture is supported by reading the relevant parts of Nadezhda Mandelstam's memoirs under the aspect of the double bind--a pathogenic social situation studied by Gregory Bateson and described in structure and in its potential for inducing psychosis. Mandelstam's composition of the "Ode" to Stalin is considered in the light of new evidence about his exile and its effects on the poet's state of mind. The dissertation proceeds largely by scrutinizing the language of witnesses and their interpreters, of poets, understood as witnesses of truths available to the creative imagination, and of critics, the interpreters of poets and witnesses of the workings of poems and language. The idea of witness literature is considered in relation to the concept of textual witnesses, in the editorial sense, and to a specific instance of the latter in the marginalia of Nadezhda Mandelstam. Because this study must find a footing in the English language while attending closely to the Russian, it makes recourse to poets and critics who wrote in English, whose judgments and sensibilities help establish a broader frame of reference for a discussion focused on Stalin's Russia. Geoffrey Hill's particular artistic engagement with Mandelstam is contemplated as an instance of a special kind of bearing witness--the witness of imagination. / 2031-01-01

This thesis uses ideas found in Michel Foucault's Discipline and Punish and related works as a theoretic framework for examining daily life in North Korea to understand what type of disciplinary techniques North Korean citizens are subjected to by the North Korean state. This paper will define several disciplinary strategies discussed by Foucault and then show how these strategies are deployed against the North Korean population through multiple examples. Analysis will demonstrate that these disciplinary strategies prevent political instability and suppress ideas dangerous to the North Korean regime, even while the North Korean regime fails to provide basic services for its population. As a result, the reader will have a better understanding of why the North Korean people seem so disciplined and do not rebel against the North Korean regime in the face of state-made disasters and hardships. / Master of Arts

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