Diss. (sammanfattning) Stockholm : Karol. inst., 2006. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bonn, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "June 2002." AD-A404 893. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2010. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vii, 613 p. : col. maps. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 597-613).

This thesis investigates the diverse ways in which social agents construct the relationship between past, present and future through a study of historical consciousness and its role in the negotiation of identity and shifting power relations in the border region of Southwest Serbia. The focus of the research falls on ethnic relations between Serbs and Bosniaks, who predominantly inhabit the area, and the boundaries that they imagine surround the world they live in. The goal has been to trace the life of these ethnic boundaries, and with it the relationships between those who imagine them by following their transformations in history, as well as to inquire into elements of social patterns that may be discernable within a contextualized and historicized analysis of the region. In order to achieve this, I have analysed the diverse pasts and futures that coalesce in the many 'time spaces' that Southwest Serbia's social actors inhabit in any present moment and from which they (re)construct these boundaries and their identities. The research has been situated within the wider anthropological discussion about the relation of culture (memory) and history and draws on insights made by relevant studies and ethnographies conducted on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. The data presented demonstrates that ethnicity and nationality are not fully crystalized as concepts in Southwest Serbia, their contents are imagined in inconsistent ways in and between social groups, while ethno-national identities and histories are not on the whole felt to be crucial to one's personal sense of self, but are perceived and put to use as malleable political resources. As a result, the most dominant allegiance in Southwest Serbia is to one's family, the only group whose 'essence' escapes political malleability and whose members share a common cross-temporal vision.

xi, 189 p. / Human rights advocates have championed the establishment of a regime of international legal accountability for grave violations of human rights, including genocide. Despite recent advances in establishing a regime of responsibility for individuals, when the International Court of Justice pronounced its 2007 judgment on the first case of state responsibility for genocide, Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro, it exonerated Serbia of the most serious charges. Key to the Court's judgment was its spatialized definition of genocide as 'destruction in part' and its acceptance of Serbia's calculated strategy of legal immunization of establishing the Bosnian territory it sought to annex as a formally separate political entity. Considering the Court's latitude of interpretation regarding these spatial and territorial factors in light of the law, this thesis argues that geopolitical considerations influenced a judgment that will greatly limit the future possibility of any state or individual being found responsible for genocide. / Committee in charge: Shaul Cohen, Co-Chair; Alexander B. Murphy, Co-Chair

The thesis examines Serbian conspiracy culture at the time of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in the spring of 1999. During the war, conspiratorial themes became a regular occurrence in Serbian mainstream media, as well as in pronouncements by the Serbian political establishment. For the most part, conspiratorial explanations focused on the machinations of transnational elite organisations such as the Bilderberg group or, more generally, on the conspiracy of 'the West'. However, conspiratorial accounts of the war occasionally invoked themes which were previously deemed to be beyond the boundaries of acceptable opinion, such as the allusion to a Jewish conspiracy or to the esoteric and occult aspects of the alleged plot. The thesis outlines the history of conspiracy theories in Serbia and critically reviews psychological approaches to understanding the nature of conspiracy theories. It suggests that the study of conspiratorial discourse requires the exploration of the rhetorical and argumentative structure of specific conspiratorial explanations, while paying special attention to the historical and ideological context within which these explanations are situated. The thesis is largely based upon the examination of the coverage of the war in the Serbian press. Recorded conversations with two well-known Serbian conspiracy theorists are also analysed. The study suggest that conspiratorial interpretations of the war drew upon a longstanding conspiracy tradition of explanation which has a strong anti-semitic legacy and is rooted in right-wing Christian ideology. Analytic chapters explore the discursive and ideological dynamics by which the anti-semitic and mystical aspects of the conspiracy tradition emerged briefly in Serbian mainstream media and political discourse. The thesis concludes by examining the status of conspiracy theories in Serbia in the aftermath of the political changes in October 2000.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados. / This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.

L’objectif de cette recherche est d’étudier la représentation des Balkans. Dans les années 1990 plusieurs stéréotypes négatifs autour de la région ont été réactivés à l’occasion des guerres en ancienne Yougoslavie. De nombreux chercheurs les ont critiqués sévèrement en défendant la possibilité d’étudier la région en termes objectifs et moins connotés. Une donnée pas souvent prise en compte par les chercheurs a été la corrélation excessive entre les Balkans et la Yougoslavie (le fonctionnement fréquent du premier terme en tant que synonyme du deuxième) à travers les discussions publiques de la région (ex. les médias). La thèse vise à vérifier l’hypothèse des mutations importantes concernant les manières de comprendre la région comme un ensemble au cours de l’après la guerre froide. D’une part, il s’agit de la difficulté des scientifiques de comprendre la région au-delà de l’ancienne Yougoslavie ou celle de définir son caractère particulier. D’autre part, il s’agit de l’apparition et la réémergence des termes tels Balkans occidentaux et Europe du sud-est, ce qui indique la probabilité de nouvelles catégorisations du savoir circulant autour de la région. Afin de vérifier cette hypothèse, une analyse des discours politiques et médiatiques est proposée à travers quatre quotidiens de référence (Le Monde, The Guardian, The New York Times et Eleutherotypia en Grèce) et une organisation internationale, le Pacte de Stabilité pour l’Europe du sud-est dans la période entre 1999 et 2008. Les données de cette analyse signalent une grande difficulté de traiter les réalités des pays de la région en commun ou indépendamment de l’expérience de l’ancienne Yougoslavie. D’autres recherches devront mesurer si le terme Balkans est progressivement destiné à la discussion de l’histoire troublée de la région et non pas de son actualité. / The main objective of this research is the study of the representation of the Balkans. During the 1990s many negative stereotypes regarding the region were reactivated in the light of the wars in former Yugoslavia. Numerous researchers criticized them harshly and defended the possibility to study the region in an objective as well as less connoted manner. An element frequently underestimated by the research has been the excessive correlation between the Balkans and Yugoslavia (the frequent use of the first term as a synonym for the latter) in public discussions of the region (for instance in the media). This thesis aims to verify the hypothesis of important mutations regarding the ways in which the region is understood as a whole in the course of the post cold war era. On the one hand, it deals with the difficulty of the researchers to understand the region regardless of former Yugoslavia and the difficulty to define its particular character. On the other hand, it deals with the reappearance of the terms Western Balkans and South-Eastern Europe, which indicates the probability of new categorizations of the knowledge pertaining to the region. The verification of this hypothesis is tested by means of a discourse analysis through four newspapers of reference (Le Monde, The Guardian, The New York Times and Eleytherotypia in Greece) and an international organization, The Stability Pact for South- Eastern Europe during the period between 1999 and 2008. The results of this analysis indicate the great difficulty in approaching the realities of the countries of the region collectively or independently from the experience of former Yugoslavia. Further research must measure whether the term Balkans is progressively destined for the discussion of the troubled past of the region and not its actuality.