This thesis considers Seven Easy Pieces, Marina Abramović’s 2005 cycle of re-performances at the Guggenheim Museum, as part of a broader effort to recuperate the art of the 1960s and 1970s. In re-creating canonical pieces known to her solely through fragmentary documentation, Abramović helped to bring into focus how performances by Joseph Beuys, Bruce Nauman, Gina Pane, Vito Acconci, Valie Export, and herself were being re-coded by the mediating institutions. Stressing the production of difference, my analysis revolves around two of the pieces in detail. First, the Deleuzian insight that repetition produces difference sheds light on the artist’s embellishment of her own Lips of Thomas (1975) with a series of Yugoslav partisan symbols. What follows is an examination of the enduring role of this iconography, exploring the 1970s Yugoslav context as well as the more recent phenomenon of “Balkan Art,” an exhibition trend drawing upon orientalizing discourse. While the very presence of these works in Tito’s Yugoslavia complicates the situation, I show how the transplanted vocabulary of body art may be read against the complex interweaving of official rhetoric and dissident activity. I focus on two distinct interpretations of Marxism: first, the official emphasis on discipline and the body as material producer, and second, the critique of the cult of personality as well as dissident notions about the role of practice in social transformation. It is in this sense that a distinctly spiritualist vocabulary also acquires a political dimension in drawing upon movements such as Fluxus and Neo-Dada, and underscoring the value of the immaterial and the non-productive. Finally, I explain how a reversal of Slavoj Žižek’s tripartite structure of ideology can help to articulate how a repetition of Beuys’s actions in this context actually displaces their cosmological aspect by virtue of the re-enactment setting alone. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

The history of Czechoslovakia and his position played a key role in developement of weapon industry in the interwar period. Arms industry in Czechoslovakia in interwar period was represented mainly by Skoda Works Company. The 1930s ment for arms industry economic instability, but on the other hadn, it represented new opportunities as well. Weapon industry was strongly influenced by condition of economy of theirs business partnes from Little Entente and by political situation in neighboring countries. Business plans of Skoda Works company were lagrely influenced by czechoslovak gowernment. Gowernment of Czechoslovakia was using its economic policy as a part of its foreing affairs policy to strenghten role of Czechoslovakia as a leader of Little Entente. On the contrary, Skoda Works were using czechoslovak foreing policy for their own economic expansion to foreing markets.

The thesis outlines a comparative case study that focuses on the separation of the Communist Federation - Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The main aim of the work is to analyze the relationship between the functionality of the Communist Federation and the limited solution of the ethnic issues inside the investigated states as one of the causes of their splits in the early 1990s. Further objectives of the work include an investigation into the similarities and differences in the development of the ethnic relations of the states and also an analysis in the way they separated. The author focuses on the question regarding whether or not the splits were inevitable or whether there were possibilities for the maintenance of the common states.

Master thesis evaluates the causes and the consequences of emigration from the countries of former Yugoslavia in the seventies and eighties. It focuses particularly on labor emigration to the Federal Republic of Germany. The analysis of the causes of emigration can not be done without a deeper understanding of the economical and economic development from a historical perspective. Therefore, the thesis includes the evaluation of post-war economic development, of the economy and of the mood in society in both countries. The aim of my thesis is to determine whether the main reason for the departure of so many Yugoslavians was especially the high unemployment rate. Whether among the first emigrants were people from less developed parts of the country. Another aim of my thesis is to determine the role played by aspects such as regional disparity of the individual federal states, age, education, religion and social status of migrants, in the issue of migration. What influence the emigration had to the following economic and social development of Yugoslavia. The thesis concludes that the main reason for labor emigration from Yugoslavia was high unemployment, and that the first emigrants were not people from backward areas. Work is mainly based on foreign literature, scientific articles and analysis of the Yugoslav statistical yearbooks.

This thesis explores the conditions under which mass rapes are more likely to be incorporated into the strategy of military or paramilitary groups during periods of conflict. I examine three societies, Rwanda , the former Yugoslavia , and Cambodia in a comparative analysis. To determine what characteristics make societies more likely to engage in rape as a military tool, I look at the status of women in the society, the religious cultures, the degree of female integration into the military institutions, the cause of the conflicts, the history of the conflict, and finally, the status of minority ethnic groups in each of these societies.

La littérature scientifique associe communément l’idéologie à la construction d’un groupe, d’une société, d’un régime. Ici, il s’agit d’expliquer comment une idéologie, projetant de bâtir une Yougoslavie communiste et indépendante, cause la chute du régime et la dislocation de la fédération yougoslave. Un examen minutieux de la doctrine ainsi que de la pratique politique issues de l’idéologie yougoslaviste met en exergue les contradictions à l’origine de l’échec yougoslave. Reconsidérer l’autonomie des acteurs politiques et de leurs idées offre de rendre pleinement intelligible l’impasse du modèle yougoslave. / In the scientific literature, ideology is traditionally studied in relation to the structuration of a group, a society, or a regime. This thesis aims to explain how an ideology, here dedicated to the building of an independent communist Yugoslavia, was on the contrary responsible for the breakdown of the regime and for the dislocation of the Yugoslav federation. A detailed study of the doctrine and political practice derived from the Yugoslavist ideology highlights the contradictions that were to lead to the failure of the Yugoslav model. To reconsider the autonomy of the political actors and their ideas enables to make fully intelligible the stalemate of the yugoslav model.

When describing sexual violence as a ’weapon of war’ or as systematic in the setting of a conflict, many times there is no distinction between how it is used during different types of conflicts. Moreover, they are often discussed as either a crime against the ”enemy” or a crime against women. This research seeks to describe sexual violence during the genocides of Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia and to find whether there is an underlying genocidal intent. It also aims to emphasize the intersectional nature of such crimes — the targeting of a woman on the basis of both gender and group belonging. With the use of books, journal and research articles, reports and interview transcripts — this paper is based on a qualitative research method aiming to describe the underlying intent of the strategic use of sexual violence targeting women in genocide. It is the interpretation of the gathered material and theories which enables the discussion to take form. The genocidal intent behind rapes and sexual violence is not only to use women as reproductive vessels, prevent births within a group and inflict such injuries that would make a woman suffer and become less worthy in her community — but also to humiliate a group through sexual violence in a way that fragments it into elimination. By acknowledging the heightened effect sexual violence and its genocidal intent has on the intersection of group belonging and gender, women’s suffering is not overshadowed by the atrocity of genocide. Women are often discriminated against on either the basis of ethnicity or gender; however, when one emphasizes both elements as reasons for women being targets of genocidal sexual violence, perhaps the crimes could be properly dealt with and responded to by the international community. The research concludes that the systematic use of forced impregnation, mutilation, sexual humiliation and targeting of female identity carries a genocidal intent — resulting in the fragmentation of cultures and communities and furthers female subordination. The crime of genocidal sexual violence is a crime against the individual woman and the group of which she belongs.

On the evening of the 24th of March, 1999, the first air strikes hit multiple targets in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The “Operation Allied Force” had begun. The air raids lasted for 78 days. The Milošević regime used the “state of exception” (Agamben 2004) to further and deepen its own propagandistic imperatives of national unity and to advertise the necessity of the “war of defence” within the nation. The state started to offer a wide range of events that not only entertained its citizens but also created forums for them to meet and to “unite” against the enemy. Beyond the state-prescribed cultural events, numerous efforts sprang up throughout the city to maintain a social and cultural life. This paper will tell of the diverse ways in which the people of Belgrade spent their time between and during the air raids.

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The paper deals with analysis of the mass movement, later becoming known as Croatian Spring. It was protest movement which took place in Croatia in the sixties and seventies. The paper also analyses stances and opinions of the leading reform politicians from the League of the Communists of Croatia, such as Vladimir Bakarić, Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo. The attention is also given to the interpretations of the movement. The structure of the paper consists of short introduction of the Croatian Spring then it moves to sixties in order to explain the reform movement which even gained the approval of the Josip Broz Tito. The shift of the reforms, to those which had touch of national aspect stirred quarrels within the LCC and cause division of the LCC. Mass support across whole Croatia from the public pushed Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo in decision to carry on with the reforms and demands towards Belgrade. The escalation of the situation forced Tito to finish his support and forced liberal leaders to resign from the LCC. Mass arrests and expulsions immediately took place after.