The dissertation deals with History of technology in Sweden before, during and after the industrialization. A theory that technical actors have a growing influence on state technology chiefly owing to the industrialization is presented. Five case-studies the Göta Canal 1806-1818, The railway-issue 1829-1848, The issue of motor traffic 1900- 1916, the issue of air transport 1912-1925 and the issue of nuclear power 1945-1972 are examined in order to test the theory. The principal results of the dissertation are as follows: The process of decision- making owing to state technology is dealt with not only by technical and political actors but also with technical/political actors. They are generally of two kinds; actors representing the technology in question and with an added political platform and politicians with an interest in technology and/or a profession with a relation to the technology in question. To this you can add a during time growing and more and more influential state bureaucracy. The possible decision on some state technical issue is framed by political actors. Inside this frame technical/political actors supported by the state bureaucracy are shaping the issues. Along with this it is apparent that technical actors with no or weak contact with political arenas take little part in the shaping- process. Owing to the study the process of industrialization and/or the professionalisation of technicians has no or a poor impact on the process of decision- making. Instead the agricultural political representation acts as a strong body with great influence on the state technical development up to the issue of nuclear power. The political representants of technology and/or industry on the other hand are not able to take advantage of the political structure in order to influence the technical issues. This depends to some extent on lack of political conformity. Another cause is however that technology when put into practice has a multiplex content which from time to time put technical actors in conflict with one another. This is apparent in the issue of air transport and nuclear power and to some extent in the choise between canal and railway. When technicians are not united the political actors, especially the ones representing agriculture, reinforce their influence on the studied state technical issues.

This thesis is a monographic study to examine the transformation of the old industrial district of Ankara, which is yet incomplete. Investigating the significant reasons for its incompleteness, the study will concentrate on the intrinsic dynamics of this process, and particularly on such important contributions of its political actors. The aims of the study are to figure out the roles of political actors in urban transformations, and to evaluate the position of architectural production within such processes. As a consequence of this evaluation, the possible approaches for the similar forthcoming urban transformations will be questioned, with special reference to the political framework and the position of architectural production within the same framework. Maltepe developed as an industrial district since the end of the 19th Century, and served with the same function during the Republican period, until the 1950s when there were necessities and requirements for transformation. The transformation of the district occurred as two distinct processes on industrial production and industrial service areas. The industrial production area remained partially transformed, as a result of resistance mechanisms generated by the unavoidable practical difficulties. The transformation of the industrial service area remained incomplete as a result of varying design decisions at different periods. In general, the incompleteness of the transformation of the old industrial district was reasoned by either the incapability of political actors, or by the confrontations between them. The architectural production in this transformation was defined by the political actors, whose positions were characterized by such circumstances, within which the transformation occurred. Since the circumstances are different in any case, any urban transformation has different intrinsic dynamics and peculiarities in itself. Therefore, rather than approaching the issue of transformation with general policies, the strategies must be developed for each specific case. These strategies would also include the political actors, and the architects who participate in the formation of those political actors.

Le jeu du clown dans la Colombie contemporaine est en voie de développement. Bien que la figure du clown n’ait jamais cessé d’exister dans la société, quelles que fussent ses formes à travers l’histoire, on assiste à la renaissance de l’art du clown dans notre pays depuis ces dix dernières années. L’art du clown devient une possibilité de revalorisation du langage comique et poétique de l’artiste dans la société colombienne actuelle, conférant à l’acteur clown un rôle social et politique et permettant au spectateur de vivre une forme de résistance et de libération de sa réalité quotidienne violente.La mise en perspective historique du cirque comme langage artistique moderne permet de comprendre comment le clown va se constituer et se développer tout au long des XIXe et XXe siècles jusqu’à devenir un art autonome avec son incursion dans le théâtre et les écoles de formation théâtrale. Cette démarche vise à donner les fondements théoriques de la naissance et de l’évolution du cirque et du clown dans le cirque depuis l’époque de l’Amérique préhispanique jusqu’à la Colombie contemporaine. La perspective historique remarque que, bien avant l’arrivée des clowns dans les cirques modernes après le XVIIIe siècle, on peut constater l’existence de personnages comiques et clownesques dans la culture précolombienne et pendant la période de la colonisation. L’histoire des fêtes populaires de l’Amérique latine, les personnages itinérants et comiques vont se développer parallèlement aux formes spectaculaires religieuses de l’idéologie espagnole. Les cirques européens et américains arriveront dans une atmosphère de résistance et, plus tard, d’indépendance et commencera à s’écrire l’histoire du cirque en Amérique latine.Le modèle économique latino-américain, la récente industrie culturelle et le manque d’écoles de formation du cirque marqueront l’évolution du cirque comme institution sociale, cherchant à travers la discipline et ses techniques à former des jeunes et enfants en situation de violence. D’autre part, le théâtre subira des divisions entre la tradition et l’apparition d’idéologies modernes sur la formation de l’acteur jusqu’à la consolidation de la méthode artistique de création collective. Le clown du cirque traditionnel deviendra une sorte de stéréotype avec les duos clownesques à la télévision, les clowns dans la rue, les restaurants, et les mendiants habillés en clowns. Cette étude aborde les éléments sémiotiques de la figure des nouveaux clowns en tant qu’art autonome impulsé par la pédagogie du français Jacques Lecoq diffusée dans le monde entier, avec une incidence importante en Amérique latine, où elle rencontre la création collective basée sur l’improvisation. Cette pédagogie arrive à travers les festivals internationaux du théâtre où artistes et public accèdent au panorama de l’art du clown dans le monde, au travers de stages et de spectacles. Rénovant ainsi le phénomène de marginalisation du clown par un changement de statut artistique et social. La pratique enracinée de la création collective, letravail du collectif et l’implication du théâtre dans les transformations sociales et politiques du pays, rencontre le langage des nouveaux clowns, pour donner forme à des créations clownesques collectives tout à fait solides et originales. Nous nous concentrons sur la fonction qu’exercent les clowns contemporains au présent de la société colombienne résultant d’une vaste période de crises marquée par des affrontements et des vagues successives de violence. L’humour comme trait particulier de la culture devenant une forme incontestable d’affronter une réalité douloureuse rencontre le clown que par le rire permettra de récupérer la valeur sacrée du chaman, bobo, bouffons et fous de l’histoire. Ainsi nous reconnaissons l’incursion du langage du clown sur plusieurs terrains (l’hôpital, l’humanitaire et le social) pour admettre que le spectateur vive une forme de libération par la communication établie avec le clown dans le rire. / Clown acting in contemporary Colombia is developing. Even though the figure of clowns has always being present in society, regardless of its forms through history, we are now witnessing the rebirth of the art of clowning in Colombia in the last decade. The art of clowning becomes an enhancement possibility of comic and poetic language of the artist in the current Colombian society, conferring the clown actor a social and political role, and allowing the spectator to live a form of resistance and freedom from their daily violent reality.The historical perspective of the circus as modern artistic language allows understanding how the clown is built up and developed through the XIX and XX centuries until the point of becoming an independent art with its foray into theater and theater schools. This perspective aims to provide the theoretical foundations of the birth and evolution of the circus and the clown in the circus since the time of pre-Hispanic America until contemporary Colombia. The historical perspective points out that the existence of comic and clownesque characters in the Pre-Columbian culture and during the colonization era can be recorded even before the clowns’ arrival to the modern circus after the XVIII century. The history of Latin America popular celebrations and the itinerant and comic characters are developed at the same time as the spectacular religious forms of the Spanish ideology. The European and American circuses arrived amid an atmosphere of resistance and, later, of independence. The history of the circus in Latin America begins to be written.The Latin American economic model, the recent cultural industry and the lack of schools for circus training mark the circus evolution as a social institution which, through its discipline and techniques, looks to form young people and children that are in violence situations. On the other hand, the theater is subjected to divisions between tradition and the emergence of modern ideologies on actor’s training until the consolidation of the artistic method of collective creation. The traditional circus clown becomes a kind of stereotype with the clownesque duos on T.V., the clowns in the streets and restaurants, and the beggars dressed up as clowns.This study approaches the semiotic elements of the new clowns’ figure as an independent art encouraged by French Jacques Lecoq’s pedagogy, spread all around the world with an important impact in Latin America, where this pedagogy meets the collective creation based on improvisation. It arrives through international theater festivals, where artists and spectators have access to the panorama of the clown art around the world, by means of courses and shows renewing the clown’s marginalization phenomenon through an artistic and social status change. The established practice of collective creation, the collective work and the involvement of theater in social and political transformation of the country, meet the language of the new clowns to give shape to absolutely strong and original collective clownesque creations.We will focus on the function performed by the contemporary clowns in the current Colombian society resulting from a large period of crisis marked by confrontations and successive waves of violence. Humor, as a particular feature of the culture and becoming an unquestionable way of facing a painful reality, meets the clown, who makes possible to recover the sacred value of the shaman, bobo, buffoons and mad characters of history. Thus, recognizing the foray of clown language into different fields (the hospital, the humanitarian and the social ones) in Colombia, it is possible to accept that the spectator lives a form of freedom through the communication established with the clown in the laughing.

La littérature scientifique associe communément l’idéologie à la construction d’un groupe, d’une société, d’un régime. Ici, il s’agit d’expliquer comment une idéologie, projetant de bâtir une Yougoslavie communiste et indépendante, cause la chute du régime et la dislocation de la fédération yougoslave. Un examen minutieux de la doctrine ainsi que de la pratique politique issues de l’idéologie yougoslaviste met en exergue les contradictions à l’origine de l’échec yougoslave. Reconsidérer l’autonomie des acteurs politiques et de leurs idées offre de rendre pleinement intelligible l’impasse du modèle yougoslave. / In the scientific literature, ideology is traditionally studied in relation to the structuration of a group, a society, or a regime. This thesis aims to explain how an ideology, here dedicated to the building of an independent communist Yugoslavia, was on the contrary responsible for the breakdown of the regime and for the dislocation of the Yugoslav federation. A detailed study of the doctrine and political practice derived from the Yugoslavist ideology highlights the contradictions that were to lead to the failure of the Yugoslav model. To reconsider the autonomy of the political actors and their ideas enables to make fully intelligible the stalemate of the yugoslav model.

There is no consensus on whether Church of Sweden should comment on political issues and participate in the political debate or not. The opponents argue that religion and politics should be kept apart, while others claim it is the duty of the church to raise its voice on political issues when it witnesses injustice and oppression. As an Evangelical Lutheran church, Martin Luther's two kingdoms doctrine is a part of the theological tradition in which Church of Sweden stands. The purpose of this essay is to analyze parts of the debate about Church of Sweden as a political actor during the 21st century, based on Luther's two kingdoms doctrine and later interpretations and comments on it. Debate articles from Swedish newspapers have been the primary source in the study of this debate, along with both historical and contemporary Lutheran documents on the two kingdoms doctrine. The outcome of this argumentation analysis shows that the arguments defending a politically active church are to be considered the strongest. A prophetic political theology can be partially supported in the 16th century interpretation of the two kingdoms doctrine. The Lutheran World Federation, in its document The Church in the Public Space, speaks even more in favour of this view of the relationship between church and politics. The Lutheran tradition of keeping an ongoing interpretation and exposition of the faith in each new era is also an important factor in assessing what can be considered a reasonable view of the Church of Sweden's role as a political actor. To legitimize its political commitment, it is crucial for the church that this always derives from and is motivated by its faith. The 16th century reformists as well as the Lutheran World Federation of today identifies the political task of the church to be to take action motivated by its faith, when the governing power pursues a policy incompatible with the word of God. Thus, it is crucial that the church can motivate its political commitment theologically. If the church does, it can justifiably act as an non-governmental organization in political debates.

Throughout the history, there had been continuous relationships between cities and their ports. These relations recently have been changing. In many port cities, while heavy industrial functions and freight harbors have been moved out of the former harbor districts, the resulting derelict spaces have been transformed to new waterfront quarters to accommodate commercial, tourism, financial, cultural, residential and public uses with high-quality public spaces by large-scale regeneration schemes through the leadership of public-private partnership to produce new identities for these cities, and ultimately to find new niches or to maintain their places within the global network of port-cities. This thesis, aiming to examine the city-port relation on the case of Izmir, specifically focuses on the recent transformation process of Izmir Harbor District. Based on cultural perspective put forth by Meyer, it first investigates the changing cultural definitions of both the city and the port in three major European cities (London, Barcelona and Rotterdam), as well as the prominent actors which were influential in the planning and design processes of these port transformations. The investigation of three cases with reference to their individual planning contexts and the actors involved in the planning and design processes shows that the possibility of implementation of design approaches is related with the planning culture specific to the context which the practice takes place. Based on this assumption, the investigation of the transformation process of Izmir Harbor District is carried out through Meyer&rsquo / s cultural context with reference to three major topics: development of planning practice, the planning structure and transformation process. The involvement of several actors in the planning and design process and their impacts on both the process and space are particularly examined. The investigation shows that the initial planning process in the district had been conducted with a particular emphasis on urban design issues. The urban design approach in the initial sta ges of the planning process could not be implemented due to a series of reasons resulting from the Turkish planning system. Finally, this research, comparing the case of Izmir with similar recent European examples, underlines the challenges, difficulties, and problems of the transformation process of Izmir Harbor District, and discusses the missing aspects in the Turkish planning system and culture with the help of the gained insights on Izmir.

Thesis Media Image of the Government in 2012 is studying how media informed about the political issues within the researched period. Quantitative content analysis through daily newspapers Právo and Lidové noviny in 2012 was used. Theoretical part of the study is focused on the role of media in news reporting, news creation and influences that goes from media organizations and journalist's job. Corresponding theoretical concepts such as news values, accessibility of media, political communication, framing, agenda setting and journalist routines are mentioned. Practical part takes from various foreign research papers that deal with the similar topic. The goal of quantitative content analysis is to gain information on how media portrayed the government in 2012. It also looks at which sources were used and what topics were discussed.

Orientadores: Eduardo Guimarães, Jean-Claude Zancarini / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T14:01:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 GimenesMoralis_Edileusa_D.pdf: 1735406 bytes, checksum: 39f26d9196ab74ad596076174789a5e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O homem é visto, por alguns estudiosos, como signo da necessidade e não manifestação da inteligência. Dito de outro modo, o homem deixa de agir pela razão quando a necessidade oprime a sua inteligência. Logo, estaria na apresentação do dissenso como uma reunião conflituosa de dois mundos que encontramos o que lhe é valioso, o denominador comum: o argumento. Por meio do argumento, o homem político vê dois mundos num só, daqueles que falam e daqueles que não falam. Pelo paradoxo das ordens políticas do comando, o comando do igual se sobrepõe ao desigual. Nesta ordem, do domínio de uns sobre os outros, a mudança só ocorre se o homem deixar de ser um agente passivo para se tornar ativo. Têm-se, então, duas ordens heterogêneas que estabelecem relações diferentes, por se vincular a leis diferentes. Inserido na teoria da Semântica Enunciativa, este trabalho teve o objetivo de refletir sobre a prática política de um ator político, Dante de Oliveira, em um momento específico da história do Brasil, que ficou conhecido como Movimento das Diretas Já, ocorrido entre 1983 e meados de 1984. Seu interesse esteve nos desdobramentos e nas conseqüências que este acontecimento produziu sobre as práticas políticas deste político quanto de outros. Buscou-se analisar sua proposta de emenda constitucional (conhecida como emenda Dante de Oliveira ou emenda das diretas) e acompanhar seus desdobramentos. A hipótese fundou-se no dizer de que este acontecimento enunciativo aparece como produtor da ocasião e da oportunidade específica de um ator político específico: o então deputado federal Dante de Oliveira. Foi por um conjunto de discursos políticos, proferidos pelo próprio ator político Dante que se transitou para realizar as análises. Na trajetória de suas práticas discursivas, interessou, em particular, a Emenda Constitucional PEC/5/1983 ou Emenda Dante de Oliveira que objetivava o fim da ditadura no Brasil, por meio da exigência de eleição direta para Presidente da República. Assim, o corpus constitui-se de fragmentos dos discursos proferidos durante o Movimento das Diretas Já!, construídos dentro de um regime militar. As análises procuraram estudar a argumentação de textos do corpus, bem como o funcionamento da designação da expressão "eleições diretas", e mais especificamente "diretas". Como ator político, Dante de Oliveira teve uma boa chance e uma boa oportunidade, na medida em que sua proposta se articulava de modo particular às aspirações do povo, naquele momento, por meio de um projeto audacioso. Como afirma Zancarini e Fournel (2002), é preciso saber avaliar uma conjuntura e traçar objetivos que respondam aos interesses do político e do povo pela ''boa chance e oportunidade''. Foi esta participação política de Dante de Oliveira que refinou sua biografia e a inscreveu na história com seu próprio nome: Emenda Dante de Oliveira. / Abstract: Man is seen by some researchers as a sign of necessity, and not as manifestation of intelligence. In other words, man's action is not oriented by reason when his intelligence is oppressed by necessity. So, it is in the presentation of dissention because of the conflicting meeting of two worlds what is precious to him, a common denominator: the argument. Through the argument, the political man sees two worlds in one, i.e., the world of people who speaks and the world of people who does not speak. In the paradox of political order of command, the command of equal is superposed to the unequal. In this order of domination of one on the others, changes came if man changes his role from active agent to passive agent. Different relations are placed by two heterogeneous orders because they are linked to different laws. Supported by the Enunciative Semantics, this work aims to be an inquiry on the political practices of the political actor Dante de Oliveira in a specific moment of Brazilian history in 1983 and the beginning of 1984: the popular movement Diretas Já!. Our interest is concerned with the unfolding and the consequences this political movement produced in the political practices of this man of politics and others. It was analyzed his Constitution Mending (The Dante de Oliveira Mending or Diretas Já! Mending) and its unfolding. Our hypothesis is founded by the assumption of this enunciative event as generator of the occasion and the specific opportunity of a specific political actor: the then congressman Dante de Oliveira. The analysis is concerned with a sample of political discourses delivered by the proper political actor Dante. In the course of his political practices this work is concerned specially with the Constitution Mending PEC/5/1983 or the Dante de Oliveira Mending. This mending aimed the end of dictatorship in Brazil, and required direct elections for president of the country. Consequently, the corpus of research is composed by analyses of discursive fragments delivered in the course of the military government Diretas Já!. In presenting a daring project the political actor Dante de Oliveira had a good chance and opportunity in that moment while his proposal was articulated in a particular way with people desire. According to Zancarini & Fournel (2002), it is necessary to consider circumstances and establish objectives that answer to the interests of the politician and of people by "good chance of opportunity". It was this political participation of Dante de Oliveira that refined his biography and inscribed him in history with his proper name: The Dante de Oliveira Mending. / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The perspectives of unique suffragists and clubwomen in Indiana, like Grace Julian Clarke, reflect the typically overlooked narrative of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Far from a bystander, Clarke engaged in political wars at the state level long before having the right to vote. She demonstrated this ability early on when she acted as a campaign manager during the 1915 Indiana Federation of Clubs presidential election. By its end, club women around the state knew who Clarke was, trusted her word, and looked to her for critical information. As World War I encroached and threatened the nationwide fight for suffrage, Clarke again remained loyal to suffrage by using war-related activities to promote and expand awareness of women’s work and abilities in Indiana. Clarke strategically used these activities as a tool to advocate for enfranchisement by pressing leaders on her belief that women had earned their rightful place as equal partners. Although she stayed active in the suffrage movement throughout the war, it became clear toward its end that her assets as a political leader were demanded at a higher level. As such, she turned her attention toward international affairs (particularly the League of Nations) and away from suffrage. Though the United States never joined the League of Nations, Clarke’s advocacy of the covenant was critical in her formation as a true political influencer. By the time the covenant was being disputed at the national level, Clarke was corresponding with national leaders to coordinate speaking events around the state. She became more exclusive in these speaking engagements, as there were very few women who actually understood the covenant well enough to speak on its behalf. Clarke was unique in her ability to speak out for her own values, in large part due to the influence of her father, former Congressman George W. Julian. Her story demonstrates that women’s political influence did not begin nor end with the 19th amendment. Rather, women’s political influence evolved over time, and is still evolving today.