On February 17, 2008,Kosovo declared its independence. The path to independence and the claim to Kosovo was a long process that developed in three primary phases: A) the fostering of territorial solidarity under direct rule and an emphasis on historical ties to the territory; B) the foundation of the national idea within the realms of proto-nationalism; and C) the emergence of peripheral and mass nationalism. This research seeks to define the development of nationalist ideologies in Kosovo and to explore where Roma fit within those ideologies. An historical and sociological approach to nationalism in Kosovo is critical in understanding the current situation of Roma living in, and deported to, Kosovo, including the recent phenomenon of ethnic scapegoating of the Roma by both Serbs and Albanians

Tesis para optar al grado de Magister en Estudios Internacionales / Desde sus inicios como migrantes en Chile, los dálmatas fueron gozando de una buena influencia y reputación por las diversas labores en las cuales se fueron desarrollando, destacando su asentamiento en las zonas extremas del país y posteriormente en Santiago. Habiendo arribado a Chile con pasaporte austrohúngaro, pasando a ser yugoslavos y en 1992 obtuvieron la nacionalidad de croatas de iuris, amparados por el nacimiento de un Estado croata, su rápida integración les permitió tener una buena posición social incluso vigente hasta el día de hoy en las distintas esferas de la sociedad chilena: política, económica, cultural y social. En ese tránsito de identidad nacional o nacionalidad e influencias, esta diáspora jugó un importante rol en el reconocimiento de Croacia por parte de Chile, siendo así uno de los primeros Estados latinoamericanos en tomar dicha decisión de política exterior, por lo que la presente investigación tiene por objeto responder a cuáles fueron las causas por las que Chile reconoció a Croacia y donde el yugoslavismo, hasta ese entonces, tuvo un importante protagonismo en esta diáspora hasta el estallido de la guerra de los Balcanes (la guerra patria croata), periodo en que se produce un importante fenómeno interesante de recroatización en esas comunidades migrantes. / Beca CONICYT para funcionarios públicos 2015-2016 Beca Pasantías Cortas de Investigación de la Universidad de Chile 2017

À la fin des années 1980, le processus de désintégration de la Yougoslavie, déjà très avancé, apparaît au grand jour et annonce un très probable emballement violent. Il réserve aussi quelques surprises apparentes : la présence, aux côtés de Slobodan Milošević, d’intellectuels marxistes serbes qui ont compté, dans les années 1960-1970, parmi les plus grandes figures du communisme yougoslave, comme Ljubomir Tadić, Mihailo Marković ou Svetozar Stojanović. À première vue, cette évolution s’inscrit dans les bouleversements généraux connus par l’ensemble de l’Europe de l’Est, dans la phase de transition qui a commencé avant l’effondrement des régimes communistes et s’est poursuivie dans une période dite « post-communiste ». L’éclatement de la Yougoslavie, comme les « mutations idéologiques » individuelles, apparaissent de prime abord comme le résultat d’un processus de transition à la fois territoriale, politique et socio-économique, somme toute commun à l’ensemble de l’« autre Europe ». Les élites serbes n’auraient ainsi connu qu’un processus de « conversion » au « libéralisme » et le pays des transformations socio-économiques générées par l’effondrement du « système titiste ». Les singularités de l’expérience autogestionnaire yougoslave nous invitent, toutefois, à interroger le passé d’un pays qui a connu de nombreuses transitions politiques et socio-économiques, bien avant celle des années 1980-1990, susceptibles d’expliquer l’émergence d’un nationalisme exclusif dont la source se situe en fait plus en amont. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser les origines intellectuelles et culturelles des ultimes divisions yougoslaves, en étudiant l’évolution politique d’un groupe qui raconte la Yougoslavie de Tito : les marxistes humanistes de l’Université de Belgrade, depuis la naissance de la sensibilité humaniste dans les années 1920, parmi les hommes de lettres, jusqu’à la purge des milieux universitaires belgradois, conduite dans les années 1970 par le régime titiste. Cette plongée dans le passé communiste des Yougoslaves révèle que ni la Seconde Guerre mondiale ni l’effondrement du communisme à l’Est ne sont les seules matrices historiques de la montée des nationalismes en Yougoslavie. / At the end of the eighties, Yugoslavia is already quite far ahead with its desintegration process. This latter comes to light and forecasts a probable flight of violence. It also has in store many outward surprises as the presence of learned serbian marxist intellectuals by the side of Slobodan Milošević. Ljubomir Tadić, Mihailo Marković or Svetozar Stojanović, for instance, were among the more eminent figures of the yugoslav communism in the sixties and seventies. At first sight, this evolution takes place in the general upheavals that break out in Eastern Europe, during the liberal transition on the occasion of the communist collapse. The yugoslav decomposition and the individual mutations seem to be the result of a global transition process, territorial, political and socioeconomic at once, that takes the whole “Other Europe” at a glance. Thus, the serbian elites would just have experience a process of “conversion” to “liberalism” and the country would have been subjected to structural transformations because of the Tito’s regime collapse. However, the uncommon nature of the yugoslav self-management experience induces us to question the past of a country which went through many political and socioeconomic transitions, a good while before the eighties ones. These last-mentioned are able to explain the emergence of an exclusive nationalism, which has its source upstream from the eighties. This doctoral thesis intends to analyse the intellectual and cultural origins of the final yugoslav divisions by studiing the political evolution of a group which tells the Tito’s Yugoslavia: the humanist marxists of the University of Belgrade, from the birth of the humanist sensibility in the twenties, among writers, to the purge of the intellectual cercles of Belgrade in the seventies by the titist regime. This diving in the communist past of Yugoslavs reveals that neither the World War II nor the eastern communism collapse are the only historical matrix of the rise of nationalisms in Yugoslavia.

The aim of this study is to investigate how the UN has acted in preventive measures regarding the genocide in Srebrenica. However, the UN contributions in conflict has not always been successful nor effective regarding the prevention of crimes against humanity. Nonetheless, the conflict in former Yugoslavia and the genocide in Srebrenica constitutes a prime example of when UN failed in its role as upholder of human rights, peace and stability. The intriguing part in the case of Srebrenica was the international presence of UN peacekeepers that were situated in the village when the crimes took place. The substantial core of this study is therefor to determine why the UN failed so massively in protecting civilians in Srebrenica by preventing a genocide. Further, to examine the whys and hows, it is of considerable importance to clarify the structure of relevant UN-organs and conventions that holds authority in interventions. Therefor, the study mainly issues the UN Security Council, the UN Charter and the Genocide Convention regarding the structure and capacity in preventive measures. As for the empirical material covered, it is mainly retrieved from official documents and academic literature. The material presented is thereby analyzed in accordance with the theoretical framework to understand why the UN failed to prevent genocide from occurring in Srebrenica. The study draws the conclusion that the UN lacked extensive assessments regarding needed actions and misjudged the nature of the conflict.

This is a study about the literature used in the Swedish and the Serbian schools and whether there are any differences in the information given about four historical events given to scholars. The events are about how the first world war started, how the first world war ended, how the second world ended and lastly how Yugoslavia dissociated. The purpose of this study is to collect all the information and compare the Swedish with the textbooks from Serbia and lastly to analyze the differences. The questions at issue is what is written in the textbooks about the four historical events and what the differences are between the two counties. The conclusion to this study is that there is not as much differences between the two countries as expected. The Serbian textbooks are more cultural, and the Swedish textbooks are more from a political point of view. But they still talk about the same historical events, and even though some of the textbooks does not write as much as the others. There are more similarities than differences, for example is the information about the attack on Franz Ferdinand death in Sarajevo almost the same. The difference is the amount, the author, has chosen to write.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados. / This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.

Most health professionals are aware of the amazing diversity of the Australian population, which is made up of people from over 140 different countries. Of these, an increasing number have arrived as refugees under Australia's humanitarian resettlement program. Research indicates that at least 30% of the 12,000 or so people arriving in Australia under the humanitarian assistance programmes each year have been exposed to physical and emotional torture and trauma. They also have well documented health deficits relating to the health standards in their countries of origin, the level of deprivation experienced prior to arrival in Australia, and the time they have spent in transit before arriving in Australia. The purpose of this study was to review the health status of refugees from the former Yugoslavia, and to identify the perceived needs of this group, which represents one of Canberra's largest communities of recently arrived refugees. Utilising both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, findings showed that the cohort had significantly lower levels of both physical and mental health than the wider ACT and Australian population. The difficulties of socialisation of the refugees into the Australian lifestyle are highlighted. In particular, findings from the study have demonstrated the lack of appropriate information given to some refugees on arrival, and the struggles experienced by most of the group with learning a new language, and coping with unemployment and inadequate housing. The problem of covert political harassment in Canberra was also described during the interview process. Recommendations for improving the situation for these refugees were that information for refugees prior to, and following arrival in Australia needs to be consistent and readily available, and there needs to be provision of a formalised support system from the time of arrival, including a review of language facilities. The study also recommended that culturally sensitive health promotion and treatment programs should be incorporated into current health service provision. Nurses are identified as the appropriate health providers to take a leading role in developing such programs for refugees, although findings from this study indicate that current nurse education programs need to place more emphasis on a transcultural framework for the provision of care.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 378-398).

ABSTRACT Punk moved from a marginal subculture to an underground counter-culture -- hardcore punk -- which shared musical culture and sense of a communal identity. Local punk scenes grew, in part due to attention from mass media. New kids in the scene brought new tensions and attracted the attention of authorities. Two police incidents signaled a shift in the punks' view of themselves. I examine two punk scenes from 1975 to 1985 in Los Angeles, USA and Ljubljana, Yugoslavia by looking at newspapers, television programs, fanzines, music, and clothing. I show that a loosely connected group of individuals, self-identified as punk, became increasingly similar as the parent cultures put increasing pressure on punks.

THE SOCIALIST WORKERS&amp / #8217 / SELF-GOVERNMENT IT&amp / #8217 / S EFFECT ON WORKERS&amp / #8217 / INFLUENCE AND THE TRANSCENDENCE OF THE ALIENATION OF LABOR IN YUGOSLAVIA Ali Milliogullari Ph.D. Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Sinasi Aksoy September 2007, 224 pages The objective of this dissertation study is to explore the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government and to what extend the socialist workers self-government&amp / #8217 / s theoretical aim and potential for the transcendence of the alienation of labor has been realized in the experience of the Socialist Yugoslavia, by a theoretically and socio-historical contextually grounded comparative empirical inquiry in Yugoslavia. The main theoretical thesis of this study is that compared to the etatist-bureaucratic socialist system and the capitalist societal system, the self-governing socialism can have a qualitatively more significant positive effect on the workers influence over decision-making and the transcendence of alienation of labor in work organizations. The study is composed of three main parts: (1) the examination and evaluation of the theoretical perspectives on the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government and the alienation of labor, (2) the examination of the development of the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government in Yugoslavia in practice, and (3) a comparative empirical study concerning the effect of the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government in Yugoslavia and the capitalist non-participative management in Turkey on the workers influence over decision-making and the transcendence of the alienation of labor in work organizations. The analyses of the research data for the within - the socialist workers self-management system in Yugoslavia revealed that, contrary to the expectations of the related theory, ideology and de jure structure, the socialist workers self-management did not have a qualitatively significant positive effect on the workers influence and transcendence of the alienation of labor in work organizations. However, as to the between societal systems comparison, the analyses of the research data indicated that, in consistent with the theoretical expectations, compared with the capitalist management system in Turkey, the socialist workers self-management in Yugoslavia has a statistically more significant positive effect on the workers influence and the reduction of the powerlessness in work dimension of the alienation of labor.