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民國初年親權法制的開展—以大理院的司法實踐為中心 / The initial implementation of parental rights during the early years of the Republic of China:focus on the judicial practice of Ta-Li-Yuan黃琴唐, Huang, Chin Tang Unknown Date (has links)
傳統中國法制為一種「出乎禮則入於刑」的「禮教立法」,而禮教的核心,是「君為臣綱、父為子綱、夫為妻綱」的三綱人倫。在三綱之中,「父為子綱」常被視為「君為臣綱」與「夫為妻綱」的樞紐,具有相當重要的地位。由於傳統法制的首要目標在於維繫三綱人倫,而三綱中的「父為子綱」涉及的是親子之間的互動,故傳統法中的親子規範,成為整體法制中極為核心且不容輕易動搖的部分。然則,晚清民初時期對於歐陸親權制度的繼受,即是就既有親子法規範進行的一項變革。由於這項變革直接挑戰傳統法制的核心價值,因此,其間所呈現出的現象究竟為何,不免令人感到好奇。
傳統的親子法規範,以清代《大清律例》的內容觀察,係以「父為子綱」作為立法原則,其規範的形態主要可以分為三類:(一)厲求子孫順守父母的教令與懲罰,(二)禁止子孫專擅自行,(三)嚴懲子孫的不孝惡行。而規範運行的基本原理,是要使父祖子孫各自恪守其分,以達成家內秩序的長久和諧。時至晚清,由於國外勢力的壓力與國內社會經濟情勢的變更,清廷展開了繼受近代歐陸法律的工程,進行新法與舊律的修訂。關於親子規範的變革,一方面藉由編訂新刑律以褪除「父為子綱」原則在法律上的支配力,同時又編纂民律草案,試圖將近代歐陸的親權制度引進中國。不過,由於中西親子規範的指導理念根本不同,遂導致禮教派與法理派之間的激烈論爭。因清廷頃間覆亡,故近代歐陸的親權制度並未獲得施行,傳統「父為子綱」式的親子法規範仍然存續在脫胎於《大清律例》的《大清現行刑律》這部有效律典中。
民國初年,新式民律草案未能頒行,經參議院決議,以《大清現行刑律》中的民事有效部分作為民事審判時的明文法源依據。然在此情形下,當時的最高審判機關「大理院」,仍透過解釋例和判決例,逐步實現了一套頗具規模的親權法制。
藉由整理、分析大理院判例、解釋例中的相關法律論述,首先,本文試著呈現出大理院親權法制的形貌與精神,並分析大理院實踐親權法制的具體方法。其次,必須說明的是,無論《大清律例》中的「父為子綱」相關條款,或者大理院判解中表達的各項親權法律規則,皆屬於「國家法」的法律形式。而國家法在本文中的特殊意義,在於它代表了統治權威的某種「價值宣稱」,亦即統治權威在各種競逐的價值取向間,做出具體衡量的最終結果。在此認知下,本文希望進一步探討的是:晚清民國時期,傳統親子法規範與大理院親權法制的爭峰消長,從國家法變遷的角度來看,其間蘊含的法文化意義究竟為何?又能帶給今日何種的啟示?
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清乾隆時期刑科題本之研究—以調姦本婦未成致本婦羞忿自盡類型案例為例陳郁如 Unknown Date (has links)
傳統中國法制史的研究因侷限於資料的不足與匱乏,因此研究者往往得要如傅斯年氏所云:「上窮碧落下黃泉,動手動腳找材料。」但所能研究的主題與對象往往只能侷限在歷代的律文規定與二十五史的〈刑法志〉之中。但隨著近來考古的新發現、傳統中國官方文書檔案的整理與開放以及新型態的資料,如官員的判牘及文人的筆記小說等等。未來的研究者仍舊得要動手動腳找材料,但所擔憂的問題將不再是資料的匱乏,而是將得要擔憂浩如煙海的檔案史料將可能淹沒研究者本身。尤其是數量龐大的「內閣刑科題本」,更將徹底改變研究的型態。是故,在可預見的將來,法制史的研究勢必將進入另一種嶄新的型態,而如何使用〈內閣刑科題本〉這批新型態的檔案史料以進行研究,將是本文所要討論的重心所在。
對「調姦致本婦羞忿自盡類型案件」這類在「刑科題本」中履見不鮮的案件,筆者將以目前閱讀檔案所得之初步想法作為研究之起點,所欲討論之問題主要有三:一、〈威逼人致死律例〉條文規定在「調姦致本婦羞忿自盡類型案件」中的具體實踐;二、旌表制度在「調姦致本婦羞忿自盡案件」中之意義與影響;三、埋葬銀與「調姦致本婦羞忿自盡案件」之關係及其性質研究。
本文共分為五章,第一章為緒論,第二至四章為本論,第五章為結論。第二至四章分別就本文所欲討論之問題討論之。第二章討論之內容主要在於,《大清律》的律本文在乾隆五年定案後,於乾隆年間並沒有再修改過,所變動纂修者僅為例本文的部分。因此,在此條件之下,筆者將著重討論之重點為《大清律例》中的〈威逼人致死〉之例文規定的演變。蓋「調姦致本婦羞忿自盡類型案件」在法律適用的部分,均是以〈威逼人致死〉之律例規定來加以處理。類型案件適用之律例條文之演變,以及類型案件之特點分析,將為本主題的討論重點。第三章所欲討論的內容則可從「調姦致本婦羞忿自盡類型案件」得知,此類型的案件係婦女因受第三人言語調戲或拉姦不成後,因氣忿難耐而自盡者。在此類型的案件中,自盡身亡的婦女,有相當大的比例可以成為朝廷所旌表的烈婦。這種特殊的情況,在「刑科題本」中數量相當驚人。因此在此主題之下,筆者將就旌表對於婦女的影響,以及是否為對婦女的社會控制手段加以論述。第五章則對埋葬銀之性質作出討論,清代在《大清律例》中則改稱「燒埋銀」為「埋葬銀」。如在「戲殺誤殺過失殺傷人條例」規定:「瘋病殺人者,從犯人名下追取埋葬銀二兩四錢二分。」其名稱雖有不同,但其功能與元代之燒埋銀並無明顯差異。如前所述,「調姦本婦致本婦羞忿自盡類型案件」均是以「威逼人致死條例」例文之規定來解決,但在該例文規定中並未見有關在此類案件要給予「埋葬銀」之規定。關於埋葬銀之性質、數量的決定,以及埋葬銀的可能社會意義,將是筆者在本主題之下所欲討論的重點,希冀透過對埋葬銀制度的討論,讓埋葬銀制度的意義及其在傳統中國社會中所扮演的角色能較為清楚。
經由對這些議題的討論,在第五章結論中提出筆者對未來法制史研究的期待。透過「刑科題本」來對傳統中國法制史進行研究,很巧合的發現,雖然傳統中國律例規定不再適用於現代的社會,但其精神仍或多或少的存在現行的法律制度之中,在人們自覺或不自覺的意識中遊走著。透過對「刑科題本」的閱讀,對於了解深深影響過去與現在傳統中國的法律制度,能有更進一步的可能。
過去以來史學界的研究,已經證明傳統中國或許沒有如西方的民法規範體系,但是國家的審判系統中,尤其是縣的審判系統,也處理西方法律制度中屬於民法範疇的事務。未來,使用清代中央與地方司法審判檔案研究清朝的法律體制,可以讓研究者在觀難傳統中國的法律制度時,較能超越過去百年來的一些偏見,呈現中國傳統法制的原貌。透過「刑科題本」這份珍貴的司法審判資料,對於了解清代的法律社會有很大的助益,但由於「刑科題本」的數量太過龐大,因此以個別個人來研究「刑科題本」,往往只能見樹不能見林。是以希望在未來有更多的研究者能對「刑科題本」產生興趣,透過更多研究者的參與研究,讓「刑科題本」更被重視,甚至在未來有跨領域、跨學科的共同研究出現的可能。
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清代軍政規範之研究 – 以武職仕進、俸餉、議敘及軍律為中心 / The Study of Military Legal Norms in Qing Dynasty – Focus on the Military Personnel's Enrollment, Earnings, Merit and Military Act李萬晉 Unknown Date (has links)
本論文係以清代軍政規範做為研究主軸,而所探討之主題依序分別為武職「仕進」、「俸餉」、「養廉銀」、「議敘及賞卹」、及「軍律」等五項。所依據之史料主要為《欽定武場條例》、《欽定戶部則例》、《欽定兵部處分則例》、《清朝文獻通考》、以及《大清律例》等。
對於仕進部分,本研究依據《欽定武場條例》發現清代武鄉試之錄取率不到4%,而為籌措財源而增廣學額與中額後,除江西、浙江、順天三個省域不升反降外,其餘各省域之錄取率多數皆增加,這應是清政府經過細算過的結果,但對踴躍捐輸之江西實有規範上的不公。此外,從管轄幅度而言,綠營武職之管轄幅度較八旗軍為高,因此其所承受之管理壓力自然也就較大,然而綠營之戰力並不因此而相對有所提升!至於武職之品級制度,雖已依乾隆之要求,照文職而改為九品十八階,但綠營仍有部分品級未見職銜。
有關武職之薪俸部分,因軍種區分為八旗與綠營兩類,透過解析《欽定戶部則例》之內容,可以發現此兩類軍種,其將弁兵丁之所得項目有所不同,致使無法直接進行比較,而須經過仔細換算方能瞭解兩者之差異。此外,就多數之地域而言,八旗兵丁之所得高於綠營兵丁,這也應是清政府刻意之做法,以模糊獨厚旗人的事實。而武職養廉,起源於親丁名糧制度,幾經調整後至乾隆四十六年底方定名為武職養廉,但此一舉措雖使武職職官有了合法且固定性之額外收入,但也使清政府之軍需費用因乾隆挑補實兵而大幅增加,進而致使日後不得不予以裁減以節約開支。武職養廉定案後,曾以「議罰養廉」以做為官員之行政懲處,以及以「停廉充餉」之行政做為,縮減開支以挹注困窘之國家財政。
就議敘及賞卹而言,清政府對於立有戰功之將士,給予不同軍功及功牌之肯定,並對兵丁賞予一定之經濟性鼓勵,而其規範俱載於《欽定兵部處則例》之內。武職將兵若因公而致傷殘亡時,清政府亦訂有撫卹制度,以使將弁兵丁勇於報效國家而無後顧之憂。其中戰功議敘主要係針對前進、水戰、執纛、攻城四類而設,而賞卹則隨身體之傷、殘、亡情況,給予不同之撫卹,甚至直接於《大清律例》中明訂「優卹軍屬」之律文。
最後就清代之軍律而言,主要規範於《大清律例》以及《欽定兵部處分則例》之內。《大清律例》軍政門共計二十一條律文及四十二條條例,其律文因仍自《大明律》,小註則於順治三年為有效解讀《大明律》而進行增註,其後軍政門各條例續有添加,至同治九年方不再修正。前述《大清律例》、《欽定兵部處分則例》可視為法典式之軍律規範,而其他口語式或是條列式之軍令,如雍正之《上諭軍令條約》及乾隆之《行軍簡明紀律》,則可視為非法典式之軍律規範。因《大清律例》與《兵部處分則例》之條文呈現大量互補之型態,因此兩者需於互相參看後,方能確定實際之懲處規定。
要言之,本研究所探討之五項與武職相關之軍政議題,每一項議題清政府都有相應之法規範進行處理。而清政府之主要法規範即為《大清律例》,以及各部會所刊行之則例,其中各則例應時而修,而《大清律例》則於乾隆五年後僅修條例。隨環境之變遷,除與刑律相關者外,在有例不用律之原則下,主要之依據均宜以具備功能性之則例為主。 / This study tries to explore the following five military legal norms: enrollment, earnings, merits, awards and military act in Qing Dynasty. The major references are Regulations of Military Testing (Wǔchǎng tiáolì), Regulations of Population (Hù bù zé lì), Regulations of Ministry of Military Affairs (Bīngbù chǔfèn zé lì), The Textual Research of General History in Qing Dynasty (Wénxiàn tōng kǎo), and Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty (Dà qīng lǜ lì).
After reviewing the military county test as coded in Regulations of Military Testing, the admission rate is less than 4% and there are three proviences (i.e., Jiangxi, Zhèjiāng. Shùntiān) that donate huge amount of money to gain more headcounts allowed for being admitted. Among them, the Jiangxi provience donates most but the overall admission rate goes downwards instead of upwards; hence, it is obviously unfair to the Jiangxi provience even the whole system is articulated planned. In addition, the controlling span for military officers of Green Banners (Lùyíng) is much larger than the Eight Banners (Bāqí); therefore, the management pressure for Green Banners’ officers is also higher. Nevertheless, the military capability for Green Banners’ officers is not enhanced even they have more soliders under their supervision. As for the military ranking system, Qing government follows Qiánlóng’s direction and makes it identical to the administrative ranking system with nine grades and eighteen layers. Examining in details, some grades and layers for Green Banners are not actually filled with military positions.
For the compensation packages of military personnel, there are certain discripencies between Lùyíng and Bāqí according to the information recorded in the Regulations of Populations. As it is difficult to directly compare the compensation pacakages by items between Lùyíng and Bāqí; consequently, it is necessary to convert the data into uniform standards before the comparision of two kinds of military units can be made and it is believed that such difficulties are intentionally created by the Qing Dynasty. As the data shows, for most of the areas located with military forces, soliders of Bāqí get higher compenstation than the Lùyíng. For the nourishing honesty silver (Yanglianyin) offered to the military officers, its name was firstly coined as compensation for accompany soliders of military officers and finally fixed by Qianlong after a long period of evolution . After Yanglianyin is institutionalized, the military officers are entitled to a fixed amount of compensation but such offer also raises the military expenses for the Qing Dynasty and plants the seed for military headcounts cut in the later years. In the meantime, the government is wised enough to cut the Yanglianyin when the officers fail to perform their duties or to cut a certain percentage of the Yanglianyin in order that Qing Dynasty can fight against with the rebels with saved expenses. Either way has helped the Qing Dynasty to better manage its difficult financial situation.
For the merits and awards issues, Qing government sets up rules to give credits, honor and even financial bonus to those military personnel in recognition of their remarkable achievements. The rules are coded in the Regulations of Ministry of Military Affairs. In case the military personnel is wounded, crippled, or deceased, the Qing government also has well planned consolation payment system to support those soldiers in order to encourage them to move forward in the battle field without fear of losing their lives. The merit system is majorly focused on the advance merit, water battle merit, carrying flag merit, and charging wall merit. The consolation payment system will also take place when the military personnel is injured, crippled or even deceased. The Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty also has article aims at giving better support to those who lost their family members in the military units.
The military act is primarily coded in the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty and Regulations of Ministry of Military Affairs. The military governance section of the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty has twenty-one articles and forty-two ordinances. As the law is transplanted from the Ming Dynasty, all the small notes added by the Shùnzhì, in his 3rd year, is to help the Qing officers to better understand and execute the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty. Further enhancement was made still to the Legal Codes of Qing Dynastry till the 9th year of Tóngzhì . The Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty and Regulations of Ministry of Military Affairs in this study are regarded as the Codified Code and other oral disciplines or military orders given before the battle are regarded as the non- Codified Code. As the the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty and Regulations of Ministry of Military Affairs are mutually complementary, it is necessary to make cross reference of these two rules before making the final judgement.
Overall speaking, this study explores five themes of the military legal norms related to military officers. All of them are equipped with proper legal regulations to deal with concerned issues. The major legal codes are the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty and the Regulatons of each ministries. However, the Regulation will be revised on regularly basis but the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty can only be attached with additional ordinances. As the Regulatins have gain more prestigious position over the the Legal Codes of Qing Dynasty, it is better to make judgements according to the Regulatons unless the cases are more related to the criminal penalties.
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