中國經濟的快速成長導致電力需求的急劇增教。雖然現在主要仍是以煤炭的方式提供全國的電力，但中國政府也一直在尋找能有效降低環境污染的替代能源。因此“水力發電”在中國能源政策扮演的角色越來越重要－－這時，擁有巨大水資源的雲南省就變成了中國西南的關鍵提電者之一。過去二十年之內，已有企業與政府針對該省重點的水力設施進行大量投資。然而，發展水電雖然有助於生產大量的電，也帶來眾多環境和社會層面的影響。中國政府承認這些反面的影響，因此開始了設計一系列水電發展政策來預防可能的嚴重後果。 本論文分析中國中央政府和雲南地方政府共同制定的水電移民政策，以及新政策對當地執行過程所帶來的影響。基於多元的田野調查，本論文顯示地方政府如何落實中央政府制定的政策。雖然這幾年中國的水庫移民政策有大量的改進，但因為建設大水電站涉及層面廣，時間長，安置過程久，所以中央政府政策的彈性調整，造成當地政府執行過程對不同時間的移民外置帶來不對等的安置，因此印發水庫移民的方抗。 / Policy-making of dam-induced resettlement is a dynamic process that shows how group interests have been distributed and adjusted during different stages of water resource development in China. Since 1949, China’s political direction, economic system and its national strength have been in constant flux, reflecting in the policy towards land appropriation and resettlement induced by water conservancy and hydropower projects. The present study focuses on the changes that have taken place in the area of dam-induced resettlement policy after 2006 when the first regulations on resettlement caused by water resource and hydropower projects were amended. It shows how this policy change is perceived by villagers relocated in the course of dam construction, and addresses the question of why policy improvements have not led to desired results. The paper first addresses policy change in the area of dam-induced resettlement over the past six decades. In subsequent sections, I draw on findings gathered during my doctoral fieldwork to demonstrate how the recent improvement of resettlement regulations for water resource and hydropower projects at the central level are translated into implementation strategies at the local level in Yunnan. I show that while delegating the implementation of resettlement processes to the lowest level of the administrative hierarchy allows for innovative policy experimentation and flexible adaptation, the long timespan needed for the construction of large dam projects gives rise to uneven policy implementation and resistance on the side of resettled communities.

俄羅斯聯邦是一個多民族國家，共有一百多個不同的民族生活在俄羅斯這塊土地上。這些少數民族有著自己的語言與文化，一有機會即想脫離俄羅斯獨立。尤其是車臣與韃靼斯坦這類文化差異較大的民族，一心渴望擁有自己主權。除了少數民族的獨立要求外，俄羅斯聯邦仍必須應付境內的地方主義聲浪。主要是因為俄羅斯的聯邦體制是由民族聯邦與區域聯邦結合而成的，境內有以民族為基礎的聯邦主體，同時也有以行政區域為劃分基礎的主體。 蘇聯晚期，俄羅斯總統葉爾欽為了與戈巴契夫爭權，喊出「你能夠拿多少主權就拿多少」的口號，各加盟共和國紛紛通過國家主權宣言，俄羅斯聯邦境內亦興起分離獨立氣氛。為了解決問題，葉爾欽於1992年3月與各聯邦主體分別簽署了3個聯邦條約，開始對中央與地方的權利義務關係作了說明。隨著政治情勢的變化，俄羅斯聯邦於1993年12月12日通過新憲法，明確的規範了中央與地方各自的權力，自此權力的行使有了依循的標準；1994年發生車臣戰爭，突顯出憲法無法解決所有問題，於是依據各主體需要簽訂的雙邊條約出現了，首先是俄韃條約，謂之「韃靼模式」。至此俄羅斯的聯邦體制大致完成。 俄羅斯聯邦體制的運作仍然存在許多問題，不論是在政治方面、經濟方面，甚或法律制度方面尚有不夠完善的地方。再加上地方主體的種類繁多，經濟條件、政治情況及文化取向差異甚大，影響著主體對聯邦關係的看法。因此要解決聯邦問題，就必須從制度上的缺陷及地方主體的態度來著手進行。 / Russian federation is a multi-national state, there are more than one hundred kinds of races. These minority races have their own culture and language, they desire to be independent from Russian federation, especially Chechenya and Tarstan. Besides independent demand, there still have localism in Russian federation. In Russian federation, there are two kinds of federal subject. One is ethno subject which based on races different from Russian, the other is territorial subject. Late years in Soviet Union, Russian president Yeltsin in order to struggle with Gorbachev, he said：“swallow what you can get”. Meanwhile, the Union Republics declare their sovereignty. The atmosphere in Russian federation is chaotic. To solve the problem, Yeltsin sighed three federal treaty with all subjects and define the right between center and subjects. Then 1993 passed the Russian Constitution, 1994 Chechen war exploded, that means constitution not suitable for every subject. Yeltsin decided to sign bilateral treaty with subjects, first one is Tartarstan Republic, called “Tartarstan Model”. Russian federal system still has several problems in politic, economic, and law, institution. Besides 89 subjects are so distinguished, their political condition, economic situation, culture are so different, all this affect their perception about federal relation.