中正國防幹部預備學校自民國65年創校迄今33年，一直以男校辦學，招收陸軍預備生、海軍預備生、空軍預備生及政戰預備生，施以普通高中教育與軍官預備教育，目的在穩定陸軍軍官學校、海軍軍官學校、空軍軍官學校及國防大學政治作戰學院等校院正期軍官班優質學生來源。 隨著國軍實施組織精簡工程，兼以軍校辦學日愈獲得國人學子肯定，正期軍官班新生來源，漸以一般民間高中優質學生為主，中正預校畢業生為輔，加以近年來外在環境變化，國內部分公立高中男校實施招收女性學生，國外軍校高中招生亦大多男女兼收，民意代表則透過媒體報導及國會問政，籲請國防部以性別平等觀點開放中正預校招收女生，面對以上困境，規劃中正預校擴大招生，實為謀長遠永續發展之良策。 本研究係就兩性平權觀點、高中男女合校趨勢、國軍女性人力進用政策、中正預校現有教育資源及辦學成效等面向，蒐集國外軍校高中招生具體作法、國內選樣公立高中辦學現況、國防部辦理中正預校招收女生公聽會意見、中正預校辦學成效、三軍四校正期班新生入學素質等資料歸納分析結果如下：（一）公聽會與會人員對規劃中正預校招收女生政策大多持肯定觀點，或有反面意見，亦在為學生尋求保障措施；（二）就兩性平權觀點、高中男女合校趨勢及國軍女性人力進用政策而言，辦理女性軍官預備教育實有必要；（三）中正預校教育資源遠較一般民間高中豐富，足以供應招收女性學生所需；（四）95-97年中正預校應屆畢業生升讀正期軍官班者，大學學測平均成績優於來自一般民間高中學生，顯見中正預校具有提供三軍四校女性優質學生之辦學實力；（五）三軍四校薦送國外留學人數中正預校生約佔90%，顯示該校外語教學陣容堅強，足以吸引有志女性學生報考；（六）95-97年三軍四校正期班入學新生離退率分別為25%、21%、9%，而中正預生離退率分別為5%、3%、2%，展現較高的適應力與穩定度；（七）軍旅生涯發展分析發現中正預校生晉陞將級者約佔將軍比例8%，甚具傳承之時代意義。 審酌外在環境因素、中正預校現有教育資源、軟硬體設施及辦學成效等均符合推動優質女性軍官預備教育之要件，本研究建議開放中正預校招生女生以順應時代動脈；惟中正預校現有教學資源、教學設施、校園安全措施及生活設備均以男校辦學為前提規劃設置，開放招收女生須儘速檢整軟硬體設施、訂定招收女性入學門檻、招生數量及規劃將來未考取正期軍官班者之退場機制。

自世界有萬物以來，即存在「雌、雄」二性，人類亦有「男、女」性別上的差異。我國古代社會的結構，以士、農、工、商為基礎，隋煬帝開科取士，確認了「士」的地位，而「士」則為社會的高階層，他們對社會具有極大的影響力，不但可以影響政治，而且也可以左右大眾的社會生活，因此，人人都想成為士的階級，士子應試，除其本身的基礎條件外，並無任何因素剝奪其應試的權益，「寒窗苦讀無人問，一舉成名天下知」，布衣可以為卿相，是為最佳寫照。 經由國家舉辦考試選任政府官員，可說是中國政治制度的最大特色，我國古代因受傳統宗法制度影響，男尊女卑，可說毫無兩性平權意識，即便科舉制度亦多以男性為對象，女性可謂與科舉考試絕緣。國家考試性別設限政策並非今日獨創，其可上溯隋唐，自隋、唐、宋、元、明、清至民國18年可稱為「性別設限黑暗期」。民國18年至36年由於考試法公布，不再以年齡及性別作為應考的基本條件，女性開始取得參加國家考試之機會，本時期可謂「性別設限曙光期」。民國36年施行憲法後，考試法亦於民國37年修正公布，明定國家考試以高等考試及普通考試為主，遇有錄取不足時始以特種考試為輔，從行憲迄今以來，國家考試甄補初任公務員之主要管道，即高普考試與特種考試，高普考試無性別設限，特種考試則依業務性質，由限制女性報考→分定男女錄取名額→大部分特考性別不拘，性別設限政策係在各界呼籲改進與磨合中，逐步遞演而來，故本時期可謂「性別設限磨合期」。 國外先進國家如美國、英國、徳國等，其公務人員之招募均未有性別限制。我國公務人員高等、普通及初等考試雖亦未有性別限制，但特種考試則基於業務性質設有性別限制，雖然在近19種特種考試中，迄民國94年底僅餘國家安全情報人員特考、調查人員特考、海巡人員特考、基層行政警察及消防人員特考、司法人員特考之監獄官、監所管理員、法警類科與原住民族特考之監所管理員類科等6項考試，仍定有性別設限，或限制女性報考、或分定男女需用、錄取名額。但上述6項特種考試，其性別設限是否合理、合法，本文乃就考選理論、兩性差異、性別角色、就業理論、平等理論及美國、英國、日本及我國兩性工作平權相關法制等面向加以探討，並就國家考試性別設限現況與國內外性別歧視案例等，作綜合整理分析，發現國家考試性別設限對男性有利、用人機關確實有用人困境，且目前用人機關性別設限之理由，除基於分監管理需要之監所管理人員及派赴中東地區人員外，其餘很難通過兩性工作平等法之檢核，形成實務面與法規面之執行落差，針對研究發現本文亦提出未來展望及研究建議，俾提供相關機關在兩性平權觀念、法規修正及政策執行等面向之參考。 關鍵詞（keyword）：國家考試、性別設限、兩性平權 / Since the earliest origins of life, the distinction of male and female genders has been a characteristic of nature that is manifested in the human race as well. The social structure of ancient China was founded on its division into classes of scholars, farmers, workers and merchants, and when the Sui Dynasty Emperor Yangdi (569-618) initiated the “keju” imperial examination system, members of the scholar class were automatically favored, and these scholars came to represent the upper class of society. They exerted great influence, not only in terms of governance but also in many ways upon the everyday lives of the populace, and many thus aspired to join the ranks of the scholar class. No factors other than a candidate’s personal aptitude restricted the rights of all to challenge the examinations. Indeed, the cherished image of a penniless peasant rising to the heights of state is expressed in the well-known aphorism, “No one calls at the cold window where the candidate studies long, But let him pass and all will praise his name, his fame, in song”. The selection of government officials through examinations is perhaps the most unique feature of China’s political systems. Under the influence of ancient China’s clan system, however, which strongly favored men over women, there was no consciousness of gender equality, and only men took these examinations. It is fair to say that women were absolutely excluded. The notion of gender inequality in national examinations is thus not a modern phenomenon but one which can be traced forward through the Sui, Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties until as recently as the 18th Year of the Republic (1929), a period we can call the ‘Dark Age’ of gender-based restrictions. The period from 1929, when the Examinations Act promulgated that year removed age and gender restrictions as part of eligibility criteria, through until 1947 can be called a ‘Period of Awakening’, as women began to avail themselves of the opportunity to take the examinations The Constitution of the Republic of China that came into force in 1947, and the Examinations Act as amended the following year, named the Senior and Junior examinations as the principal instruments of the system, and stipulated that where these did not supply an adequate number of qualifiers for various needs, Special examinations should be conducted. Since that time, national examinations have been the principal source of new recruits to the Civil Service, and while no gender restrictions apply in the Senior and Junior examinations, they are to be found in the terms of various Special examinations, in keeping with the nature of the work the examination addresses. These restrictions are manifested in various ways, from outright denial of female candidacies, to varying quotas for male and female qualifiers, to no gender restriction whatsoever. Under increasing social pressure, policies of gender limitation have gradually eroded, and this most recent period can be termed one of ‘Gender Restriction Erosion.” Civil service recruitment in Western countries such as the USA, the UK, Germany etc. is not touched by gender restrictions, and Taiwan’s Senior, Junior and Elementary examinations are similarly free of any gender-based eligibility criteria. Such criteria do exist, however, for various of Taiwan’s Special Examinations in view of the specialized nature of some of the occupations they address. Specifically, six of Taiwan’s nineteen Special Examinations feature gender restrictions of some type. These are the Special Examinations for National Security Personnel, for Agents of the Investigation Bureau, for Coast Guard Personnel, and for Entry-Level Administrative and Firefighting Police Officers, as well as the prison guard and bailiff categories of the Judicial Officers examination, and the prison guard category of the Special Examination for Indigenous Peoples. The nature of the restrictions varies from outright exclusion of female candidacies, to gender-based quotas for qualifiers and persons employed. It is the objective of this paper to explore, from the perspectives of examination and recruitment theory, gender differences, gender attributes, employment theory and equality theory whether the gender restrictions of these six Special Examinations are justifiable and legitimate. Gender equality law in the USA, the UK, Japan and Taiwan is also studied in this context. The paper presents an analysis of prevailing gender restrictions in national examinations and case studies of gender discrimination both in Taiwan and abroad, and observes that while gender restrictions in these examinations are to the advantage of males, employing agencies have trouble finding suitable personnel. It is further observed that the reasons cited for current gender restrictions, with the exception of where supervisory duties are designated by sex as in prisons, or where individuals are sent to represent Taiwan in Middle-Eastern countries, are difficult to reconcile with the provisions of Taiwan’s Gender Equality in Employment Act, and lead to ‘enforcement gaps’ between the letter of the law and its actual implementation. The paper posits future developments in this area and proposes further areas of research for reference by concerned agencies in the contexts of gender equality per se, amendments to laws and implementation of policy. Keywords: national examinations, gender restrictions, gender equality

隨著婦女就業情形的普遍，兩性議題也愈顯得重要，欲落實兩性平權，法律是最根本之道，從近年政府制定「兩性工作平等法」及「性別平等教育法」對於推進兩性平權，均具有劃時代的意義。所謂「玻璃天花板效應」（glass ceiling effect），就是一種不易被察覺的、人為的或組織的偏差所造成的無形阻礙，使得女性在事業生涯方面，無法獲得與男性公平競爭的機會。本研究藉由對玻璃天花板、陞遷、性別角色等相關理論與實務之檢視，對我國女性警官陞遷潛藏之問題進行探討，期能依據研究結果，提出一些建議，以供女性警官個人及有關機關參考。 在研究方法方面，本研究係採用問卷調查法為主，以我國女性警官為普測對象，取得回收有效問卷525份。研究問卷內容包含影響陞遷之「社會心理」構面、「歧視偏差」構面、「系統結構」構面與「陞遷發展」構面及女性警官個人基本資料等量表。問卷調查所得資料運用電腦統計套裝軟體SPSS for Windows 10.0版，以描述性統計分析、t考驗、單因子變異數分析及Pearson積差相關等統計分析方法進行資料處理： 本研究經由實證分析之後，歸納結論如下： 一、就各構面之認知程度而言：其同意程度依次為影響陞遷之「社會心理」構面，其次是「陞遷發展」構面，再次是「歧視偏差」構面，最後為「系統結構」構面。 二、就各構面之認知差異情形而言：在「社會心理」構面上，因年齡、婚姻、子女數、教育程度、警官年資、職務官階、服務單位、有無進修、現任職位及代理主管的不同而有顯著差異存在；在「歧視偏差」構面上，因婚姻、職務官階、工作內容、現任職位及代理主管的不同而有顯著差異存在；在「系統結構」構面上，因工作照顧、教育程度、職務官階、有無進修及代理主管的不同而有顯著差異存在；在「陞遷發展」構面上，因有無進修、現任職位及代理主管的不同而有顯著差異存在。 三、就各構面之相關分析而言：本研究所探討的四個構面的關連非常強，不論是整體或是其各個的因素之間均達顯著水準的正相關。 / With the rise of female employment rate in workplace, gender issues have been of higher importance in recent years. To realize gender equality in workplace, legislation serves to be the most fundamental solutions of all. Following the enactment of the Gender Equality in Employment Law and the Gender Equality Education Law, Taiwan female employees have seen landmark on their workplace status. But the so-called glass-ceiling effects, are less perceivable, man-made or organizational bias still persist, which deprive female employees of an equal opportunity as those bestowed on their male counterparts. In this study, the author will discuss the obstacles posed for Taiwan’s female police officers in their quest organizational positions based on the observation from the theoretical and practical sides of glass-ceiling effects, promotional and gender roles, and will further propose suggestions for improvements for female police officers. Methodologically, this study uses questionnaire survey research, with female police officers as subjects and results in 525 successful samples. Contents of the questionnaire include facets of promotional importance, such as socio-psychology, discrimination bias, systematic structures, promotional development and personal information. With the analysis of descriptive statistics, t-test, one way ANOVA and the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient supported by SPSS for Windows 10.0, information gathered from the results of questionnaire is processed: After empirical analysis, our conclusions are: 1.On the acknowledgement level of each facet: respondents find most of their agreements on the importance of obstacles to their promotion, are socio-psychology, promotional development, discrimination bias and systematic structure. 2.On the perceptional difference of each facet: on the socio-psychological aspect, there are differences according to the age, marital status, children number, educational level, years of working as police officer, rank, current position, deputy supervisor, further education. On the discrimination bias facet, there are differences according to marital status, rank, job description, current position and deputy supervisor. On the systematic structure facet, the differences exists among respondents of different educational level, rank, further education and deputy supervisor. On the promotional development facet, there are differences according to further education, current position and deputy supervisor. 3.On the correlation analysis of each facet: the four facets discussed in the study has strong correlations, no matter individual factor or integral whole has all reached a high standard level of positive relationship.

一九八○年代女性小說新浪潮興起時，廖輝英的《油蔴菜籽》曾和李昂的《殺夫》並列為女性小說扛鼎之作，與蓬勃發展的女權運動相互輝映，對臺灣社會造成相當大的影響。 廖輝英一方面以小說襄贊婦女運動，一方面以散文提出女性主義柔性革命的訴求，推動兩性關係合理化。她的革命主張兼具理性與感性，以理性喚醒女性自覺，以感性寬諒男性在兩性關係巨變期的反動和敵意。她既不鼓吹女性與男性為敵，也不主張擺脫為人母的天職，而是強調兩性和諧互助，與張牙舞爪的激進派女性主義者截然不同。公正持平的態度使她的女權主張更容易被大眾接受，也稍稍化解媒體與學界對女性主義的戒心。 本文探討廖輝英小說體現的女性主義柔性革命訴求，統分為六章。 第一章緒論揭示研究動機、文獻探討、研究範圍。 第二章探討廖輝英的生命歷程與創作生涯。第一節探討原生家庭對其創作的影響，第二節敘述她曲折跌宕的文學路。 第三章分析廖輝英小說暢銷之成因。第一節說明外在因素，包括工商社會的文化需求、女性主義思潮與女性小說大盛、媒體推波助瀾；第二節說明內在因素，即廖輝英自身創作特色，包括寫實反映婚戀問題、別具一格的角色塑造、豐富的社會生活內涵、犀利明暢的語言風格。 第四章分析廖輝英女性意識在小說中的映現，說明她如何解構父權體制、批判婚姻對女性的箝制，並建構了怎樣的新女性典型。 第五章說明廖輝英的女性主義柔性革命訴求，一是兩性關係合理化，包含平權婚姻、職場男女平等；二是鼓勵女性成長，包含經濟獨立、人格獨立。 第六章結論分析她在文壇的評價，並說明其作品的文化意涵及社會價值。