隨著金融集團組織大型化，金融體系的系統性風險提高。為保護小額存款人及維持金融穩定，銀行安全網實有存在必要。然而銀行安全網的過度補貼也會助長道德風險的問題。理論上，如果銀行遵循法規的成本負擔等於或大於所得到的安全網總補貼，即銀行無法得到政府的實質淨補貼，則銀行安全網遭濫用的可能性將可有效降低。然而實務上，安全網補貼的金額及銀行遵循法規的成本負擔均不易量化估算。 在金融控股公司架構下，為防範銀行安全網遭濫用，可行的方法包括：控制銀行安全網的補貼於適當水準，監控防火牆阻隔利益輸送，健全金融集團體質，加強金融體系之公司治理與市場制約，以及強化金融監理等。我國規範金融控股公司防火牆的相關法規大致粗具，惟亟需加強者在於金融監理、公司治理、市場制約、與社會道德與法治觀念的提升。 為避免金融控股公司及其子公司引發系統性風險、道德風險及銀行安全網遭濫用，本文乃就央行扮演最後貸款者角色、央行扮演支付系統保證付款角色、存款保險及金融監理與法規四方面提出具體建議供金融主管機關決策參考，以期防範未然。 / The emergence of financial conglomerates has raised concern over the increasing systemic risk of financial systems. To protect individual depositors and maintain financial stability, the financial safety net is urgently needed. On the other hand, the financial safety net could provide excessive subsidies, thereby incurring moral hazard. Theoretically, if banks’ regulatory cost equals or outweighs gross subsidy from the financial safety net, real net subsidy banks receive from the government will be zero or negative. Then the possibility of abusing the financial safety net could thus be effectively reduced. In practice, however, neither subsidy from the financial safety net nor banks’ regulatory cost can be easily quantified. Under the framework of financial holding companies, feasible ways to prevent abuse of the financial safety net include the following: (1) keep subsidy from the financial safety net at an appropriate level, (2) build a firewall to insulate illegal profiteering, (3) enhance the health of financial conglomerates, and (4) strengthen corporate governance and market discipline of financial systems, and (5) reinforce financial supervision. In the case of Taiwan, regulations related to firewalls of financial holding companies have been largely in place, while financial supervision, corporate governance, market discipline, morality and the rule of law need to be further emphasized. To prevent the abuse of the financial safety net, this paper follows four perspectives: (1) the central bank as lender of last resort, (2) the central bank as guarantor of the payment system, (3) deposit insurance, and (4) financial supervision and regulation, and provides concrete suggestions to monetary authorities in devising preemptive measures.

本論文研究的起點，始自我實習時聽到一位家暴社工抱怨參加「安全網」的網絡會議就像是去「演一場戲」。由於大學時代所學到的「家暴安全網」，是一個將家暴高危機案件篩選出來，藉由網絡會議進行工作交流與服務整合的方案。理想上，「家暴安全網」是將有限資源提供在需要密集服務的案件上，不解為何這樣提升服務效能的美意，卻淪為社工實務場上的「演戲」。於是，為了探究「社工為什麼要演戲」，我決定採用建制民族誌作為研究方法，並站在一線家暴社工的立足點上，解構這個「演戲」經驗如何在建制中被形塑。 當我實際投身成為一名家暴社工，與婦女工作的經驗，揭露了當前國家是如何治理「家庭暴力」，並以一種「安全至上」的意識形態，支配著整個網絡人員的工作。當各種建制的文本啟動，定義著婦女的「安全」，婦女的多元經驗便在「安全」的單一視框中被排除，以致「安全網」時常聽不懂婦女的需要，而網絡的資源也難以「投其所好」。 然而，一線的家暴社工，一面鑲嵌在「安全至上」的流程中，受到各種表單、指標與會議的規訓，一面又要與婦女的自主性並肩前行，在「建制最佳利益」與「案主自決」的角力下，「演戲」便成為社工在這場拔河下的生存方式。只要社工按照安全網所期待的安全劇本演出，婦女就有機會從安全網中「解除列管」。屆時社工就得以從各式的流程、指標中解放，讓工作回歸到相對低度建制的狀態，找回與婦女工作的彈性並減輕行政工作的負擔。 研究結果讓家暴社工看見自己在日常工作中，如何因著建制的流程為自己戴上了一副「安全」的眼鏡，產生了一連串權力關係所建構的知識，藉此看清楚社工所處的權力位置，進而長出抵抗的可能。 / The inspiration for my thesis came from a domestic violence social worker who complained that attending “Safety Network” conference is like acting in a show. From my understanding of “Domestic Violence Safety Networks” in college, these are programs for “high-risk” domestic abuse victims who are subsequently referred to the network conference. At this conference, the domestic violence network work together to explore possible safety options and coordinate resources for the victims. Ideally, the “Domestic Violence Safety Network” uses limited resources effectively. However, when it comes to a social work field, it becomes a “show act”. Based on this disjuncture, I decided to examine these conferences from a social worker’s perspective, using Institutional Ethnography as the analytical approach, to clarify the issue of why social workers are acting in the Safety Network. I started my fieldwork as a social worker. Through my working experience, I found that nation's adhering to the ideology of, “Safety is the top priority” with regard to domestic violence, tended to control how network members nanny battered women. When texts are activated in the institution, high-risk classification typically centers on a battered women's “safety” need to the exclusion of all others. Eventually, these “safety networks” fail to understand the multifaceted needs of abused women, and this, in turn, makes network resources more difficult to access. As a domestic violence social worker, safety and autonomy for abused women must be balanced. As a tool to mitigate the struggle between the “client’s best institutional interest” and the “client’s self-determination”, “acting with the safety script” appears to be a solution for social workers. In this way, battered women were able to remove their high-risk label while social workers were liberated from various processes and regulations. Hence, “acting” is the way by which social workers overcome this contradiction, bringing social work back to a less rigid set of working conditions, and increasing their overall flexibility in dealing with clients. The research maps the social relations of the “Safety Network,” determining where social workers stand with respect to this framework institution, how their “safety lens” are activated, and what aspects of it dominate their work. Once social workers understand how this framework functions, it may increase their potential for constructively opposing it.

「存款保險」係以收受存款之金融機構為要保機構，並以該機構內除不保項目外之各類存款為保險標的，於要保金融機構倒閉或經勒令停業之保險事故發生時，由存保公司依存款保險契約約定及相關法令規定，履行保險責任之保險制度。從消極面而言，存款保險制度得於金融機構倒閉時，直接保障該機構存款人之存款，舒緩擠兌誘因，降低對經濟及金融體系之衝擊，進而維持金融體系之穩定。從積極面而論，對存款人提供限額保障，可將金融機構倒閉之損失，合理分配予政府、金融機構、股東、存款人及非存款之債權人，以落實市場紀律、強化金融體系之競爭，並經由結合政府信用及金融機構間之互助，維繫存款人對個別金融機構之信心，避免個別金融機構之倒閉惡化為系統性金融危機。 / 又存款保險制度之建構，涉及金融體系、監理架構、法律制度等各方面系統整合之金融法制工程，由於法規範本身具有滯後性，現行法律制度充其量僅係在既有環境之條件下所形成之規範體系，故參酌各國之實施經驗，去蕪存菁擇優汰劣，對制度之建構而言，實屬必要。在比較法上，美國與大陸地區對金融機構退出市場之救助，分別建立了顯性與隱性存款保險制度兩種模式。前者，十分重視存保公司之職能、明確規範對存款人之保險義務，並事先累積存款保險基金，以減少公共資金之動用。後者，嚴格而論應僅係「存款人保障機制」而非存款保險制度，且由政府隨時準備動用公共資金，對問題金融機構之存款人及債權人提供保障，亦即由行政主導金融機構退出市場之方式，壓縮系統性風險，防止危機擴散。然而，以大量的再貸款為基礎之行政主導模式，實質上是將金融機構對存款人、債權人之負債，轉變為金融機構對中央銀行之負債，債務風險由個人轉移到中央銀行，本質上僅能暫時舒緩風險，而非化解風險。 / 再者，存款保險制度於問題金融機構之處理上乃涉及存保公司、要保金融機構及存款人三方之法律關係，並影響各該當事人及利害關係人之權益甚鉅，故釐清存款保險之性質、究明相關法規解釋、適用之原則，自有其必要。基於存款保險之制度設計，多承襲英美法系之架構，且我國保險法本身於解釋、適用上，早深受二大法系混用之害，且鑑於存款保險本質上特殊之政策性、公益性、強制性、目的性，若無必要，即無須隨普通法為同一解釋，脫勾處理反能使其在適用上更為明確。準此，本文乃採在英美法系之架構，以存款保險契約之當事人為保險人與被保險人（即要保機構），存款人僅為利益第三人，而存款保險性質上應屬責任保險，其保險標的則應界定為除不保項目外之各類存款契約所延伸之第二次責任，較為精確。 / 而存款保險在我國已行之有年，其間歷經多次修正，制度上雖逐漸趨於完善，惟制度本身最根本之問題實仍未解決，諸如《存款保險條例》之性質，究屬「公法法規」或「私法法規」？依據本條例所簽訂之存款保險契約究係「公法契約」，抑或「私法契約」？存保公司依本條例所擬定之作業程序及辦法是否屬法規命令？存保公司依本條例所為之金融檢查，其行為性質為何？均不無疑問。其次，我國「類似」立即糾正措施之監理規範，散見於銀行、信用合作社、金融控股公司合併、票券金融公司等之《資本適足性管理辦法》，該等糾正措施，係將金融機構依資本適足率分為兩個等級，分別施以不同之強制性措施與選擇性措施。惟上開資本等級劃分過於簡單，且以選擇性措施為主、強制性措施為輔，乃與美國之立即糾正措施有相當差距，而以選擇性措施為主在實務操作上，不免有流於恣意之疑義，而失其制度之本旨，故實有予以檢討、修正之必要。

本研究以經歷過921大地震以及多次土石流災害的雲林縣古坑鄉為個案，透過參與觀察法、質性訪談以及文獻檔案分析的方式，以了解當那些受到環境劇變的人們在經歷自然災害後，如何在有選的情況下做出遷移與否的決策，而哪些社會因素會在決策過程中影響人們的決定及行動。 本研究的重要發現包括以下幾點：第一，在自然災害發生後，多數的居民會選擇留下，這是基於本身的災害識覺排除了立即性、短時間內的生命威脅。同時，大部分的居民也會因為在地性的資源（如社會關係、在地知識、與在地的不動產）較多，而傾向選擇留在原地。同時，有一些社經弱勢家庭會因為非在地性資源的缺乏，也使他們不得不做出留下來的選擇。從生命史的觀點，本研究發現這些遷移決策往往是鑲嵌在長期累積的地方經驗與生活脈絡中的。第二，家庭的遷移往往是家庭成員整體的決定，或考量家庭整體需要後做出的決定。不同的家庭可能採取不同的方式來完成他們在地重建或者是遷移的目標。第三，個人和家庭的慣習往往在選擇的傾向或行動的方式中成為核心。多數人希望能在自然災害發生後恢復既有的生活慣習，但慣習的維持不僅在於個人能力，也與他所在環境中是否有足夠的社會支持有關。當社區中的社會安全網可以提供足夠的支持時，個人與家庭的慣習則得以被維持，而社區社會安全網又和地方產業型態具有緊密關聯。以觀光為主要發展的草嶺村，和在921大地震後轉型為觀光農業的華山村就是兩個極佳的對比案例。研究資料也顯示當地居民改變社會環境的可能，證明了人不是單向地受到社會環境的影響，也可以反向影響社會環境。 / This study aims at understanding how people make migration decisions after drastic environmental changes brought by natural disasters and exploring the social factors influencing these decisions. Gukeng was chosen as a case for this study due to its encounters of the Chichi earthquake and several landslides. The study utilizes qualitative research methods and collects field data, mainly through participant observation, in-depth interviewing techniques and text analysis. The main findings of this study are summarized as follows. First, most residents tend to stay after natural disasters, and such choice is based on their hazard perception that excludes immediate and short-term threats to their lives. The majority of residents prefer to stay due to more local resources（including social relationships, local knowledge, and ownership of real estate property）. Those families in lower social-economic status also tend to stay for the lack of non-local resources. From the perspective of life history, these decisions are embedded in local contexts contructed and experiences accumulated throughout the years. Second, family’s migration decision is usually made by all family members or based on the needs of all members. Different families may use different ways to reach their goals of migration or rebuilding on the same ground. Third, the habitus of individuals and families often become the core element in the modes of choice and action. Most people want to be able to recover their habitus after the natural disasters. However, the maintenance of the habitus is based not only on personal capacity, but also on the social support drawn from the his environment. People can maintain their habitus when the local community safety net can provide enough support, and the local community safety net is highly related to the development of local industries. The comparative study of Caoling Villege and Huashan Villege provides an illustrative example, in which the former is based on tourism and the latter was transformed into eco-tourism and tourist agriculture after the Chichi earthquake. The findings also show the possibility of people changing the environment, proving the mutual influence between individuals and the environment.