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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

臺灣工會運動策略研究(1987-1990)

邱天貴, QIU, TIAN-GUI Unknown Date (has links)
本文在研究工會運動上,係採取另一種途徑,就是探討工會運動的策略,我們將它 的範圍限定在解嚴後,就是1987年至1990年之間。我們以這段時間來探討 工會運動的策略演變,是因為它正是工會運動的萌芽與興盛期,這是研究的最佳時 機。 工會運動的主要目標,就是謀求工會與會員最大的福利,其次才是尋求社會公義或 社會改革。因此,就策略的意涵而言,如何動員各項資源,調整與環境的互動關係 ,以達成目標,才是主要的重心。 於是,我們探討了以下各面向: 一.工會本身的組織因素; 二.外部環境的影響作用; 三.策略管理及策略選擇;及 四.工會運動策略的發展過程。 工會運動的目的,就是希望以集體力量來獲取勞方之最佳利益。而策略就是為了解 決此一利益問題。 我們獲致的結論,認為隨政治開放、勞動意識昇高、經濟高度發展及社會多元化交 互激盪下,工會採取的策略亦隨時間演變而調整。
2

我國工會與政黨關係之研究 / The Relationship Between Trade Unions and Political Parties in R.O.C.

何學政 Unknown Date (has links)
本文採歷史結構方式分析我國三個時期,工會與政黨之關係。第一個時期為我國威權轉型時期階級政黨的實踐經驗,即工黨、勞動黨及勞工陣線的『社會民主模式』提法。第二個時期為我國民主轉型期,這期間工會與政黨之關係,特別是我國全國總工會多元化後的局面。第三個時期為民進黨政府上台後,我國工會與政黨之關係。研究結果發現,我國近期將以美國式的商業主義型工運為主,但基層廠場工會仍有日本型工運的模式存在。其它的工運、工會組織也可能以類似開發中國家的對抗型工運,或國家/政黨補助型的工會形式存在。 / By employing a historical/structural perspective, this article attempts to analyze the relationship between trade unions and political parties in R.O.C. The first part analyzed the leftist-parties experience in Taiwan. It includes the “Labour Party”, “Workers’ Party” and the “Social Democratic model expression” of Taiwan Labor Front. The second part analyzed the relationship between trade unions and political parties in democratic transformation period, especially after the national confederation going to the plural road. The third part analyzed the relationship between trade unions and political parties in the DPP government period. In the future, the unionism in Taiwan will be mainly analogous with the American business unionism. But in the factory level, there will be an analogy between the unionism of Japanese model and Taiwanese enterprise unionism. Some Taiwanese unions will be analogous with the unionism of other developing country model. They will have some attributes of opposition unionism and state/party sponsored unionism.
3

韓國公共電視工會運動發展-以2012年MBC罷工為例 / The Development of Korea Public TV Union Movement: The Case Study of MBC Strike in 2012

田育志, Tian, Yu Jhih Unknown Date (has links)
韓國公共電視之一的MBC,因新聞報導立場不公、社長金在哲利用人事權力不當解雇批判執政黨的製作人與記者,造成MBC喪失公正放送的意義,員工為捍衛公共電視的價值,在工會的帶領下,於2012年1月底展開長達170天的罷工。為了解這場罷工的前因後果,以及對台韓媒體工會運動帶來的意義,本研究透過深度訪談與次級資料分析,檢視2012年MBC罷工的事前、事中與事後經過。   研究發現,導致MBC工會發起罷工的事前原因,來自於MBC政治朋黨化下親執政黨立場的管理階層,與李明博政府欲將MBC私有化而影響MBC節目內容走向的舉動,破壞了MBC身為公共電視應保有的「公正放送」價值。而罷工當時,MBC工會成員的高度參與,社會大眾與其他媒體工會的聲援,促使這場罷工得以延續長達170天。可惜的是,罷工結束後,MBC不僅無力保障公正放送,阻止MBC的政治朋黨化與私有化,更造成勞資間原有的團體協約中斷;MBC工會認為,短期之內可藉由社長選任制度的改革著手,而長期則要仰賴執政者對公共電視獨立地位的認可,才有希望達到公正放送的目標。   另外,這場為捍衛「公正放送」而展開的罷工行動,也可發現除了薪資與福利之外,媒體工作者的「專業價值」也是工會在意的勞動條件;這就是本研究在分析2012年MBC罷工後,所觀察到工會在「民主性功能」的展現。同時,民主性功能也是未來台灣學術研究上,可以用以分析媒體工會的另一觀點。 / As one of the public TV networks in Korea, MBC has lost the impartiality of broadcasting for its biased news reports and the unfair dismissal by the MBC’s president, Kim Jae-Chul, of producers and journalists who criticized the government. For protecting the value as a public TV, MBC employees ,led by the MBC union, started a 170-day strike in January, 2012. In order to realize the causes and effects of this strike, and the implications for the media union movement both in Taiwan and Korea, this study will examine the causes, the processes and the effects of the strike by using in-depth interview and secondary data analysis. According to the research data, the causes of the strike were due to political factions of MBC’s executive management and the ruling party, and the privatization of the MBC by Lee Myeong-Bak Administration; those two causes destroyed the impartiality of broadcasting, which was the central value that the public TV was supposed to protect. The strike had continued for 170 days with a high degree of participation from the MBC union and the supports from other media unions and the citizens. Unfortunately, after the strike, MBC was still neither able to protect the impartiality of broadcasting nor to maintain the organizational contract between the union and the management. Talking about the protecting of the impartiality of broadcasting, the MBC union considered that it could be a short-term target to reform the election system of president in MBC, but in the long-term, it needs the ruler to take the public TV as an independent media. Besides, through the strike which was started by protecting “the impartiality of broadcasting”, we can find out that not only the wage and welfare, but the professional values of media workers is the working condition that a union will be concerned about. And it’s so-called “the function of democracy” of the union which is a research finding by analyzing the MBC strike in 2012. Furthermore, the academic circle in Taiwan can also take the function of democracy as another viewpoint to analyze the media union.

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