本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275

「易經」是中國哲學中重要的經典。「易經」的內容蘊含豐富的智慧，後代多位學者也用畢生的心血去研究。宋代程頤與朱熹更是透過對「易經」的詮解，發揮了自己的想法。本論文希望透過研究程頤與朱熹兩人註解「易經」之異同，瞭解二人對於天人關係的看法，並且從中創造出新的見解。論文規劃總共九章，包括了第一章緒論和最後一章的結語。 第一章緒論主要說明研究動機與目的，前人研究成果，以及文獻探討、學者專著介紹。第二章「理學易中的天人一本論」則說明程朱的時代背景、師承關係。程頤和朱熹的理學可能直接來自於張載與邵雍的啟發，以及「誠」的繼承。第三章及第四章分別討論「伊川的理學及易學」以及「朱熹的理學及易學」，說明二人之理學及易學重點與重要的概念。伊川由理氣區別「形而上」和「形而下」兩個概念，這兩個概念是出自於《易傳》＜繫辭上＞：「形而上謂之道，形而下謂之器」。朱熹主要是由「理」與「氣」的關係說明，在程朱思想體系中，「理」乃是「道」，是形而上的；「器」是「形而下」各別具體的事物。第五章「易學脈絡下的天道觀」主要探討《易》的本體論天道觀、宇宙論。並從自然化的「天」有其規律，而瞭解其中之「理」，從「天」到「天理」，從「天理」到「理一分殊」(universality and particularity)。第六章「宋代理學與易學交錯脈絡下的朱熹仁說」主要探討外在的「理」Li，落實到「人」的身上，從易傳的「生生之德」(The Moral of Creative Creativity)到程朱的「仁者天地生物之心」(Benevolence is the Heart of the Heaven and the Earth to Produce)、「格物致知」(“The extension of knowledge through the investigation of things”, and “the attentiveness of the mind”)。程頤的工夫論是透過「涵養需用敬，進學在致知」(In cultivation one needs attentiveness；in the advancement of learning, one needs the extension of knowledge.)的方法，按照程朱學派的看法，「格物」是為了從有形之物中體認超越的「理」。由「格物」以「窮理」達到天人關係之廣大悉備之和諧（All-comprehensive Harmony）。第七章、第八章則從多元的觀點，將程朱易之天人關係以現代的方式詮釋，第七章探討程朱在「人生哲學」的異同，包括個人的修身、內聖以及家庭等層面。第八章討論程朱易在社會群體上的異同。包含政治層面、經濟層面以及教育層面等，以及第九章的結論。 / Among all Chinese philosophical works, I-Ching is one of the most important classics. It is not only abundant in wisdom, but has also inspired many scholars to devote their lives to researching into it. Two of such scholars are Ch’eng Yi and Zhu Xi in the Sung Dynasty, who based their theories on and developed their philosophical thoughts by a thorough interpretation of I-Ching. This dissertation intends to create a new insight into I-Ching by first exploring the similarities and differences between Ch’eng Yi ’s and Zhu Xi’s interpretations of I-Ching, and then delving into the two scholars’ comprehension of the relationship between the cosmos and humanity. This dissertation is divided into nine chapters, including the introduction and the conclusion. The first chapter, The Introduction, elucidates the motivation and purpose of this research, examines the research results of the antecedent scholars, explores related literatures, and provides an introduction of some predominant scholars as well as their works. Chapter Two, Haven amd men in union of I-ching of New-Confucianism, illuminates the background of Ch’eng and Zhu’s era as well as their mentor-follower relationship.The immediate stimulus for Ch’eng Yi and Zhu Xi, however, seems to be the thought of Chang Tasi and Shao Yung. To discuss Sence of truthfulness(誠). Chapter Three and Four respectively elaborate on ” Ch’eng Yi I-CHING exegesis and the formation of Neo-Confucianism” and ” Zhu Xi I-CHING exegesis and the formation of Neo-Confucianism,” illustrating the two scholars’ dominant ideas and important concepts on Neo-Confucianism and Book of Changes. Ch’eng Yi distinguishes between what is “within shapes” and what is “above shapes”. The origin of these two terms is traceable to “Appendix III ” of the Book of Changes: “ What is above shapes is called the Tao；what is within shapes us calledthe implements.” Zhu Xi maintained that all things are brought into being by the union of two universal aspects of reality: Chi（氣）, sometimes translated as vital (or physical, material) force; and Li(理), sometimes translated as rational principle (or law).In the system of Ch’eng Yi and Zhu Xi, this distinction corresponds to that between the abstract and concreat in Western philosophy. The Li and Tao which is “above shapes,” or, as we say, abstract；while the “implements,” by which Ch’eng Yi and Zhu Xi mean particular things, are “within shapes,” or, as we would say, concrete. Chapter Five, TianTao (Inner Roots of ordering the world ) of I-ching, mainly expounds I-Ching’s Ontology and Cosmology, with a purpose of attaining a comprehension of Li through realizing the regularity of natural, and then moves further to understand T’ien Li（the natural law）from T’ien (heaven)，and universality and particularity from T’ien Li（the natural law）. Chapter Six, Song Dynasty I-Ching exegesis of Jen(humanity) of Ch’eng- Zhu school of Neo-Confucianism, mainly explicates the way people put the theory of “Li” into practice, mainly through a comprehensive understanding of the following concepts: The Moral of Creative Creativity, Ch’eng and Zhu’s philosophy of “Benevolence Is the heart of the Heaven and the Earth to Produce,” and “The extension of knowledge through the investigation of things”, and “the attentiveness of the mind”. Ch’eng Yi ‘s method of spiritual cultivation is expressed in his famous statement : “In cultivation one needs attentiveness；in the advancement of learning, one needs the extension of knowledge. ” According to the Ch’eng –Zhu school, the purpose of the “investigation of things” is to extend our knowledge of the eternal Li. Li are abstract and things are concrete. We investigate the abstract through the concrete. What we as a result come to see lies both within the eternal world and within our own nature. The more we know Li, the more our nature, ordinarily concealed by our physical endowment, become visible to us to All-comprehensive Harmony. Both Chapter Seven and Eight interpret Ch’eng’s and Zhu’s concepts of the relationship between the cosmos and humanity from modern and multiple perspectives. To be more specific, Chapter Seven elucidates the similarities and differences between the above-mentioned two scholars’ “philosophy of life,” including their speculation on a person’s self-discipline, inner sage and the aspects of family. Being sage inside and being kingly outside " is the centralized embodiment of the confucian ideal personality . its " connotation consists of high perfection of individual inner morality and achievements of administering the state well and ensuring national security as a result.Chapter Eight, on the other hand, discusses the two scholars’ similar and different arguments on communities, inclusive of political, economical and educational aspects. Lastly, Chapter Nine, the final chapter of this dissertation, offers a conclusion to this dissertation.