現今正面臨警界大退休潮，約有近1萬多名警察將於民國106年前退休，以警專及特考班、警大畢業生，自民國101年起，一年2700人左右遞補，亦恐緩不濟急，以本人所服務之芳苑分局為例，民國103年度總編制名額為280名員警，目前僅剩247員額，民國100至103年退休名額30餘人至今仍無法獲得補足，再以芳苑分局偏遠派出所為例，如漢寶、永安、路上派出所編制員額才10名，總而言之，就整整少掉3個派出所警力，必須抽調其它繁重派出所警力暫時補充，以利調度，長期以來，若無法迅速獲得補齊，將對治安形成相當大的隱憂，芳苑分局所轄含二林鎮、竹塘鄉、芳苑鄉、大城鄉(82村里分居於12個分駐(派出)所，轄區面積有294.15平方公里，人口數12萬4328人，如何在警力未補齊之際，運用現有民力，如義警、民防、社區巡守隊協助警察共同維護轄區治安，實為當務之急。常言道警力有限，民力無窮，隨著社會結構的變遷，警察機關必須重新設定與變革化的制度，以適應新的時代的潮流與社會環境需求，而協勤民力運用已是西方先進國家防治犯罪政策的趨勢。本研究為瞭解運用協勤民力協助警察機關之執勤成效，而針對協勤民力人員與警察人員對於協勤認知、相互間認知的差異及執行成效的成果來進行研討分析，藉以發現問題與提出解決策略，俾供政府部門今後運用民力的施政參考，有助警察機關高階領導人決策制定及整體策略前瞻性思維。且協勤民力參與警察勤務執行不但能協助警察處理各項煩瑣的問題，且有助於社會治安與秩序的改善移風易俗及提升擴大警察對民眾服務面向，同時也是人力資源的充分開發，就協勤民力個人而言，也是個人人生最意義的追求，能促使社會變遷的力量是一種善的循環，實現公平正義的社會理想，進而追求世界大同的終極目標。 / Recently, the police force is seeing a wave of retirement. More than 10,000 police officers are about to be retired before 2017. From 2012, about 2700 graduates from Taiwan Police College and Central Police University and special test class replenish into the police force each year. However, supply does not meet demands. Take the FangYuan precinct which I served in for example: there should be 280 policemen in 2012, however, there are only 247 policemen. The 30 retirees during 2011 to 2014 have yet to be replaced. Remote police stations such as HanBao, YongAn and RuShang police station each have only 10 policemen. In other words, a shortage of 30 policemen is equivalent to losing three police stations. This shortage of officers has forced the precinct to deploy police force from busier police stations to replenish those in remote areas. If these vacancies remain unfilled for a long time, it will cause difficulties in fighting crime. The jurisdiction of FangYuan precint includes Erlin, ZhuTang, FangYuan, DaCheng. 12 police stations are distributed in a total of 82 villages. The area of jurisdiction is 294.15km2 and the population is 124K. How to use the existing resources (Volunteered police, community patrol team, civil defence) to help maintain the public safety during the time of shortage in police force is a priority. Police force is limited, but the civil power is infinite. With the changes in the social structure, police need to reassess and fix their rigid system in order to adapt to new social needs and the trend of times. How to use the civil power is the trend of western advanced countries’ crime prevention policy. The purpose of this research is to understand the effect of using the civil power in helping police. The different views towards helping with police tasks posed by the civil power and police will be analyzed to find problems and develop solutions. The research will serve for future reference for the government and aid leaders of the government and leaders of the police to establish policies. The participation of civil power not only can help police handle the business but also contribute to the public safety maintenance and expand the service of police. It is also an effective use of human resources. For people contributing to civil power, it is the pursuit of the meaning of life, because to promote social change is a cycle of goodness and realization of ideals of social justice. It is a step towards the ultimate goal of universal brotherhood. / 摘要 i Subject ii 謝誌 iii 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究背景與動機 1 第二節 研究目的 6 第三節 研究的範圍與限制 8 第四節 研究章節安排與架構 9 第五節 研究流程 10 第二章 協勤民力理論基礎與文獻探討 11 第一節 志願服務 11 第二節 公民參與 17 第三節 公部門運用志願服務組織相關理論 19 第四節 國外協勤民力協勤現況 30 第五節 彰化縣警察局協勤民力組織概述及協勤成效 32 第三章 研究方法 46 第一節 研究架構 46 第二節 研究對象 49 第三節 研究工具 54 第四章 研究結果與分析 64 第一節 警察人員基本資料分析 64 第二節 協勤民力人員基本資料分析 68 第三節 警察人員對於協勤民力工作看法分析 74 第四節 協勤民力人員對於協勤工作的看法分析 79 第五節 警察人員及協勤民力人員特性差異分析 84 第六節 警察人員及協勤民力人員對民力協勤的認知差異分析 103 第五章 結論與建議 107 第一節 研究結論 107 第二節 建議 116 第三節 文獻回顧及研究貢獻 122 參考文獻 124

本研究主要目的在瞭解台北縣民力參與警察業務的現況，從警察機關與民力組織兩方面進行，探討應如何整合各類民力參與警察業務？實務上有哪些警察業務適合由民力參與，以及如何提升民力參與意願等問題，期能整合民力資源，作最有效運用，提供警察機關運用民力之參考。本研究主要以台北縣民力參與警察業務為研究範圍，首先以文獻探討研究台北縣民力參與警察業務的現況，再進一步針對台北縣新店警察分局運用民力參與警察業務做個案觀察研究，目的是在瞭解目前新店警察分局成立「全民治安諮詢委員會」運用民力參與警察業務的現況，試圖尋找出一套警察機關策略整合民力運用的機制，以供各警察機關民力運用時之參考。經由實地參與觀察，蒐集相關資料後，再根據深度訪談的分析結果，整理研究發現並提供相關建議。 本研究發現，民力運用制度於日據時代是身分、地位及榮譽的象徵，人民參加的意願相當高，運用民力參與警察業務的內容，亦隨著環境的需求而改變，以前是單純的協助治安維持，後來增加秩序維護，近年來為民服務是相當受重視的工作，而且民力參與警察業務一直受到政治力量的影響，只是程度不同而已。其次，就警察機關依法編組的民力而言，要整合編組成一種民力組織是有困難的，但是義警、民防、社區巡守隊業務功能相近，其業務是可以合併由一個單位辦理，惟民力運用應整體整合運用且整合對象要多元差異，因其特性運用，不只限於依法編組運用的民力，而民力整合的重點在於主管是否用心？是否具有整合的能力？目前運用民參與警察業務注重功能導向，欠缺策略性整合運用機制，而且要整合吸納民意代表參與，避免民力成為政治工具。另外，實務上民力參與警察業務的內容有情資提供、協助勤務執行、預防犯罪宣導、協助學童上下課安全以及協助分駐派出所為民服務工作。最後研究發現民力單位（人員）受到尊重、所提出的問題能獲得解決，是提升他們參與意願的重要因素，而福利制度的好壞，並非提升參與意願的重要因素。 / The purpose of this research was to understand the present situation of civil force participation in police affairs in Taipei County. This research on the integration of all kinds of civil forces assisting police affairs covered two areas: police administrations and civil organizations. We were interested in finding out what kind of police work is suitable for civil forces and how to encourage citizen participation in these programs. By doing so, we would like to provide suggestions to police institutions when organizing civil forces so that they may be integrated more effectively, thereby enhancing their continued participation. In this research document analysis was first completed, and then a case study of the Shin-Dian Police Precinct’s “Public Security Consulting Commission” was carried out. Through actual participation and observation, we gathered the data used in this research. Through data analysis of our findings and in-depth interviews, we have provided relevant suggestions for police administrators in this paper. This research reveals that during the Japanese occupation of Taiwan the civil force system was a symbol of identity, status, and honor, and therefore the willingness among the population to participate was quite high. The purpose of the organization also adapted to Taiwan’s changing society. Initially, the force simply maintained public security, but later it took on the work of keeping order. In recent years, the civilian services have been highly valued, but there are problematic aspects. For example, civil forces’ participation in police affairs has always been somewhat connected to influence peddling. In addition, it is difficult to integrate and organize a civil organization as broad as the civil force that is officially managed by the police administrations in Taiwan. However, because vigilantes, civil defenders, and community patrolling squads have similar functions, they can be merged and managed as a single unit. And the subjects integrated should be diverse on certain targets. Because of its utilization characteristics, it is not only confined to the officially arranged civil forces. It was found that the success of civil force integration depends on the expectation of the commander’s involvement with the group and how capable he or she is at organizing the volunteers. Utilizing civil forces to participate in police affairs is a highly functionally oriented undertaking. However, it was found in this study that it lacks strategic integration and utilization. Therefore, the participation of the representatives must be integrated and absorbed in order to prevent the civil forces from becoming political tools. These civil forces are valuable resources providing general intelligence to police, police duty assistance, crime prevention propaganda distribution, security for schoolchildren, and civilian services assistance. Finally, we found that it is not the compensation they receive that inspires the citizens to participate in such civil forces, but rather whether they feel highly valued and if their problems are solved that keeps them in the program.

東南亞諸國除泰國之外大都具有被殖民的歷史背景，自十六世紀起西班牙殖民時期傳教士將天主教傳入菲律賓島，經過了數百年的發展，使得天主教成為當地居民普遍信奉的宗教。自大航海時代開始之後，歐洲列強將勢力拓展進入東南亞，開始進行大規模的統治及殖民，並同時引進了大量西方的文明思想及典章制度，其對於東南亞之政治、經濟、文化以及各項制度均造成相當大的影響，觀察現今東南亞各國，仍然能夠可以見到殖民時期遺留下來的遺產。但隨著歐洲列強而進來的基督教文明，在東南亞之影響程度各地均有別，例如印尼和馬來西亞仍維持伊斯蘭信仰，緬甸、寮國和柬埔寨仍維持佛教信仰。比較起同樣曾經淪為殖民地的美洲及非洲諸國，現今幾乎已完全成為基督教以及天主教的世界。基督教及天主教並未能成為東南亞各國普遍主要的信仰，但菲律賓卻是這其中少數的例外。 「一手拿著聖經，一手拿著刀劍」的西班牙政權在近三百多年的統治領導之中，不僅使得菲律賓成為天主教的國家，其政教合一的傳統更成為菲律賓政治上的一大特色。在西班牙統治菲律賓時期曾經實行政教合一的殖民統治模式，雖然在隨後取而代之的美國殖民統治時期，這種模式有了大幅的轉變，轉而改行政教分離制度。而在戰後初期，成功爭取獨立的菲律賓政府也繼續繼承美國殖民時期所留下的傳統，天主教教會在戰後初期只是作為社會的精神力量，而廣泛的成為菲島人民的心靈寄託，對於政治方面採取不直接干預的立場，也不對政治立場表態：這樣的態度到了1960年代中期卻開始發生大幅度的改變，菲律賓天主教教會開始更多元的關懷社會的種種問題，當然也包括政治問題，從馬可仕執政開始，教會對於政治立場的介入有了大幅度的轉變，由不介入到介入支持，進而「批判性合作」，以致於到後來的全面反對獨裁政府，進而直接導致馬可仕政權的垮台，於此之後介入兩次「人民力量」革命，菲律賓天主教教會在戰後政治上的立場及影響有著相當大幅度的變化，這也是在研究戰後東亞各國在民主化的過程中，十分引人注目的一項課題，也是菲律賓在戰後政治發展的過程中，相當獨特的特色。 對於戰後菲律賓天主教在政治上的影響力，菲國在走向民主化的政治發展過程中所扮演的角色，在關鍵時刻所發揮的功能，以及在這其中角色的轉化過程，以及影響天主教會轉化及立場的主要原因，是本文所要探討的主要方向。