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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

從政策論證類型檢視審議民主實踐過程:以二代健保法人論壇為例

施佳良 Unknown Date (has links)
近年來,審議民主在台灣日漸蓬勃發展。自2002年的審議民主公民會議開始以來,台灣以有過許多辦理審議民主之參與機制的經驗。因此本研究的目的,在於探討審議民主「理性溝通」的理論,在實際執行過程中所落實的情況為何,以探究理性溝通的實際樣貌。 從文獻中發現,為了達成共識,「理性溝通」與「互惠」乃是審議民主的核心理念。所謂「理性溝通」,就是論證。最終共識應是由「較佳論證的力量」所促成的,而非其他內在或外在限制所造成。另一方面,「互惠」則是指:當討論過程中產生衝突或價值差異時,討論者會試著擺脫價值層次的爭議,尋求彼此皆可接受的協議。過去文獻對於這兩個概念主要聚焦於抽象層次的規範性探討。為了探究理論在實際的落實情況為何。本研究以William Dunn (2004)所發展出來的政策論證架構,並以內容分析法分析二代健保法人論壇參與者的發言內容,以及共識結論報告,探索參與者在審議過程中的說理過程。 本研究發現:在「理性溝通」的部分,從發言特質之中可以看見,不論有無共識的討論,皆是以「分析」與「說明」類型居多。具邏輯推演形式的「分析」論證較為常用,顯示法人論壇的參與者,慣以「邏輯推理」來進行理性討論。而在有共識結論的討論中,其使用頻率高於無共識的討論。顯示具邏輯推演形式的「分析」論證,較能引起在場的其他成員認同,因而成為討論的慣用形式,且其易使討論能出現共識。至於在「互惠」發言的部分,有共識結論的討論,慣用類型仍是「分析」類型為最多。此外在相異型互惠變化,是以擴張轉換為多。表示在對話中,發言者會以更進一步的推理方式予以支持。顯示支持者並非感覺式的認同,乃是能瞭解對方所說的話,並且明白其所支持的理由為何。另外在正反雙方交詰過程中,不同立場的成員也會依循對方的發言類型而轉換,形成一種理性溝通的循環,企圖尋求支持。 綜觀研究結果,在實際討論過程中,邏輯論述是審議民主所稱的理性對話中,相當主要且具說服力的溝通方式。另一方面,審議民主重視參與者在公共審議的過程裡,彼此相互尊重和同理,允許合理的歧見,並且最終達成共識。對於審議民主而言,這正是表現了互惠的實現。從有共識的討論中可以看出,不同立場者不但將自己的理由內涵予以充實外,透過對話與兼容建議的提出,使參與者願意改變,接受新的提議,進而達成共識。此正為互惠性的表現。由此可見,審議民主確實展現有別於代議民主「算數目」的一種實質民主型態。對於民主政治的發展而言,深具前瞻性與盼望。
2

公共領域的公共再現:公視報紙報導與評論之分析(1990年~2013年) / Public representation of the public sphere in Taiwan: An analysis of newspaper commentaries and reports on the Taiwan Public Television Movement between 1990 and 2013

丘忠融 Unknown Date (has links)
本論文旨在分析在我國公視建構過程中(1990~2013年)的報紙相關評論與報導。從1915年開始,台灣就有許多透過媒體改革來爭取發言權的運動。然而,直到1990年,公民社會才出現了以產權為目標的媒改運動,亦即1990年代起的公視運動。因此,我們認為公視運動可被視為公民爭取「公共領域」的重要歷程,值得進行深入分析。 其次,本文主張公視這種「公共領域」的建構過程,應以公共對話為基礎。經文獻檢閱,我們認為公媒體與公共領域有以下關聯。以制度面而言,Habermas的晚近公共領域概念強調國家必須透過立法過程來保障溝通行動,這正和公媒體的制度契合。以公共論述判準而言,Habermas的「合理政治意志形成過程」與「理性溝通」則可用來檢視,關於公視制度的討論是否符合公共性。 此外,本文選報紙評論進行分析,不是為了比較各報論述的差異,而是報紙長時間地記載各報社、社運團體成員、學者專家與社會大眾對公視議題的論述,這可讓我們檢視及反思不同階段公視運動的論述目標與特徵。另一方面,我們也檢閱了公視相關的立法院、監察院公報等資料,藉此釐清政府、媒體與公民社會三者的關係。 本研究有以下三點發現。第一,政府政策意圖是引導公視論述的關鍵因素。只有當政府對公視採取較正面態度,公民社會才有機會對公視進行深度的討論。第二,公視議題的主要論述者是報社人員與學院知識份子,其中學知對於公視向來採取支持立場。相對而言,只有在公視處於不利局面時,各報才會較積極地對公視表達支持。第三,當報社與學知對公視議題進行討論,報社較支持「商業化」與「數位化」,學知則較重視「公共理念」。 / This paper aims to analyze newspaper commentary and reports published during the Taiwan Public Television Movement between 1990 and 2013. Since 1915, Taiwan has had a lot of media reform movements that fought for freedom of speech. But there were no media reform movements with the aim of dealing with media ownership until the Taiwan Public Television Movement happened in 1990.We believe that the public television movement was a very important process that structured" public sphere “in Taiwan and is worth an in-depth analysis. As a public sphere, Taiwan Broadcasting System (TBS) should be constructed on the public dialogue. After reviewing the literature, we think that the public media and the public sphere have the following correlations. In terms of institutional designs, Habermas emphasized recently that the state needs to protect the communicative action through the legislative process. We think this is similar to the idea of public television. With regard to public dialogues, Habermas' concepts of “a process model of rational political will-formation” and "rational communication ideal " can be applied to analyze the discourse of Taiwan Public Television. In addition, we analyzed newspaper commentaries, not to compare the differences of representation between newspapers, but to document different kinds of discussions of public television by media, social movement organizations, scholars and the public over a long period of time. Whereby, we can examine and reflect on the discourse goals and characteristics of the Taiwan Public Television movement in different stages. We also reviewed the official gazettes of the Legislative Yuan and the Control Yuan in order to clarify the relationship between the government, the media and civil society. In this paper, we provide readers with three findings. First, the intent of government policy was a key factor in leading the discourse of public television. Only when the government adopted more positive attitudes towards the TBS did civil society have chances for more in-depth discussions. Second, the discussions of TBS were mainly made by newspaper staffs and college intellectuals. Furthermore, college intellectuals had always taken a stand that supported public television. In contrast, only when TBS was in an unfavorable situation did newspaper staffs become more active in offering support. Third, whenever newspaper staffs and college intellectuals participated in the public discussion, the former tended to support the "commercialized" and "digitized" TBS, but the latter were inclined to favor “the ideal of public sphere” of TBS.

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