本文旨在探討華語焦點變調，並以青年語者為主。本文分別檢驗三種不同的句型，第一類為焦點助動詞和焦點副詞，第二類為平坦結構，第三類則是其它類型的句子。在優選理論的架構下，本文分別提出韻律制約和聲調制約來詮釋華語的焦點變調。筆者透過並存音韻理論(Cophonology Theory)來說明焦點韻律結構的劃分是多個次語法的運作結果。焦點韻律結構的劃分有兩種，主要由(ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft))和(ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft))這兩組可移動的對整制約來決定，當它們在制約排序中移動到不同的位置時會形成不同的韻律結構劃分。本研究發現焦點詞組等同於語調詞組，因此提出另一個對整制約ALIGN-E(FP, IP)來解釋。排序最高的韻律制約則是[FTMIN & NON-FINALITY]，目的在於避免單音節音步出現在句末。至於聲調制約，筆者採用IDENT-BOT來處理三音節音步的變調結果。此外，焦點韻律結構的劃分會造成兩個相鄰的上聲出現在不同的音步之中，OCP-L(ft)可以確保此形式的保留。簡言之，本文藉由優選理論的觀點，以及韻律制約和聲調制約的互動，對華語焦點變調提出了一個整體分析。 / This thesis examines Mandarin focal tone sandhi among Taiwan youngsters. Three types of sentences are under investigation: Type A includes the focused auxiliary verbs and adverbs in a simple sentence, Type B the flat structure, and Type C the other types of structures. Under the framework of Optimality Theory, this thesis proposes prosodic constraints and tonal constraints to account for Mandarin focal tone sandhi. This thesis adopts Cophonology Theory to explain the subgrammars of focal phrasings. There are two types of focal phrasing patterns governed by the reranking of two sets of alignment constraints (ALIGN-L(F, FP), ALIGN-L(FP, Ft)) and (ALIGN-R(F, FP), ALIGN-R(FP, Ft)). The focal phrase pertains to a special kind of intonational phrase. This thesis proposes ALIGN-E(FP, IP) to explain this condition. The undominated constraint, [FTMIN & NON-FINALITY], is proposed to ban a monosyllabic foot in sentence-final positions. IDENT-BOT is adopted to deal with the tri-tonal strings such as (σ(σσ)) and ((σσ)σ) in non-focal and focal readings. In addition, focal phrasing may force adjacent L tones to appear in different feet. OCP-L(ft) is proposed to explain this situation. To conclude, based on the constraint-based theory, and the interaction of prosodic constraints and tonal constraints, this thesis has provided a theoretical generalization of Mandarin focal tone sandhi.

本研究探討漢語動補結構在語料庫中的使用情況，透過語料庫研究方法，辨析動詞「用X」及「弄X」與動補結構的關係，並探究動補結構中「用X」及「弄X」相互替代的使用現象，最後由詞彙語意及語義韻律的角度提出說明。 本研究利用中文詞彙網路（Chinese Wordnet）、《平衡語料庫》（Sinica Corpus 4.0）以及《批踢踢語料庫》（PTT Corpus），觀察語料庫中動詞「用」、動詞「弄」、動補結構「用X」及動補結構「弄X」的語料分布，以及語料與動詞義項的互動情況。研究發現，在語料庫中，動詞「用」的主要語義是「利用特定對象的特定功能」，而動詞「弄」的主要語義則是以「造成特定結果」和「代動詞，做」，且在語料庫中，「用X」結構的分布集中、「弄X」分布廣泛。研究亦發現，《平衡語料庫》中的動補結構語料相對來說較《批踢踢語料庫》中的語料組合穩定，此一現象是由於不同語料庫中的語料結合緊密程度不同所致。 藉由動詞代換檢測及動詞義項的比對，可知在動結式動補結構這個特定的環境下，動詞「用」和「弄」顯示了與近義詞相似的特質，甚至展現出詞彙語意關係中的上下位（hyponymy）或者蘊含關係（entailment）。研究最後透過觀察「用X」和「弄X」動補結構的語義韻律，探究動詞「用」和「弄」在動詞義項以外的異同之處，並發現語料庫中的動補結構「用X」及「弄X」在語義韻律的分布上有相似的表現。 / This paper aims to explore the cause of the mutual substitution of verbs yòng(用) and nòng(弄) in verb-complement structure in Taiwan Mandarin. The study adopts a semantic corpus-based approach to examine this phenomenon. To find out the resemblance of meanings shared by the verbs yòng and nòng, this study first retrieved their senses by using Chinese Wordnet and analyzed the sentences from the Sinica Corpus. Three hundred instances of yòng and 240 instances for nòng were analyzed and classified according to their corresponding verb senses. The results showed that yòng and nòng both contain the concept of “utilize certain tool/method/means to fulfill particular purposes”, proving that they could possibly form a synonymous set of verb. The analysis then focused on the behavior of the verbs in verb-complement structures. The verb-complement structures of yòng and nòng from the Sinica Corpus and the PTT Corpus were further inspected: 14 entries of ‘yòng-complement’ (179 instances) and 32 entries of ‘nòng-complement’ (157 instances) were found in Sinica Corpus, while 21 entries of ‘yòng-complement’ (82 instances) and 97 entries of ‘nòng-complement’ (781 instances) were found in the PTT Corpus. The distributions showed that the verb-complement structures in Sinica Corpus were relatively more stable than those in the PTT Corpus, and the phenomenon was inferred to be caused by the distinct degree of the structure combination. In order to examine the possibility of the mutual substitution of yòng and nòng, a verb-substitution test was conducted. The results were further examined by comparing with the verb-complement structures found in the PTT Corpus. In addition, introspective survey of native speakers of Mandarin was also added to re-confirm the substitution test result. Lastly, the verb senses and the semantic prosody of the verb-complement structures were also analyzed. The study showed that the verbs yòng and nòng have shared senses when they appear in resultive verb-complement structures, and the mutual substitution patterns were also discovered. As for the analysis of semantic prosody of the verb-complement structures, the result showed that yòng-complement and nòng-complement have identical distribution tendency: structures with neutral semantic prosody occupied the greatest proportion, followed by the negative ones and the positive ones, which also proved the synonymous relationship between the verbs yòng and nòng in the verb-complement structures.

本論文以優選理論探討上海話之入聲變調，試圖將文獻中所認為表現不規律之入聲變調納入與舒聲變調相容之分析中。本研究認為入聲變調與舒聲變調皆受制於ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd)，因此其首音節之基底聲調在輸出值中皆出現於重讀音節。以此觀之，則入聲變調與舒聲變調的差異主要在於節律重音的位置：在舒聲變調中首音節重讀；在入聲變調中重音則後移──在陰入變調中係移至第二音節，在陽入變調中則移至末音節。 本論文提出兩點假設：上海話中舒聲音節為重量音節，入聲音節為輕量音節；節律結構基本上為一位於左端之雙音節音步。據此，本研究提出COINCIDE (LightHd, FT-final)，認為陰入變調中重音所以後移至第二音節是因為重讀之輕量音節傾向於由音步末音節核可(licensing)。另一方面，由於陽入的單字調為曲拱調，與陰入的水平調有別，是以本研究另外提出COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final)，此制約顯示陽入變調中重音的遠距移位是為了遵行「曲拱調須由末音節核可」之普遍現象。 綜述之，本論文提供了一個重量音節、節律重音、曲拱調以及邊際位置等韻律顯著位置間彼此對映的實例。此外，本研究亦顯示上海話的連讀變調涉及聲調與重音的互動，是以所提出之分析或許對相關類型之研究亦有所貢獻。 / This thesis offers an Optimality-theory approach to the tone sandhi of checked tones (TSC) in Shanghai, in an attempt to regulate its surface patterns which have long been considered anomaly as opposed to the tone sandhi of smooth tones (TSS). With a reanalysis in the present study, TSC and TSS arguably have in common that their process of tone mapping is both subject to ANCHOR-L(tσ1, Hd), by which the un- derlying tone of the initial syllable ends up at the stressed syllable in the output. It follows that TSC is different from TSS in the way that metrical head is assigned: all domains undergoing TSS are stressed on their initial syllable; only in domains of TSC does the stress move rightwards, either to the second place in the tone sandhi of Yinru (TSYI), or to the final syllable in the tone sandhi of Yangru (TSYA). Given the assumption that checked syllables and smooth syllables in Shanghai are light and heavy, respectively, in terms of moraicity, and that foot-parsing is binary and left-aligned in general, the one-syllable shift of stress in TSYI can be accounted for by positing COINCIDE(LightHd, FT-final), which sets up the preference for light stress- bearing syllables to be licensed foot-finally. On the other hand, given that Yangru in the citation forms represents a rising contour, different from the level tone of Yinru, a licensing constraint, namely COINCIDE(Contour, PrWd-final), is further posited so that the long-distance movement of metrical head observed in TSYA emerges to satisfy the requirement for the retained rising contour to be licensed word-finally. Taken together, this thesis instantiates a remarkable case of the mapping among multiple prominent positions, including heavy syllables, metrical head, contour tones, and edge positions. Also, the present analysis demonstrates that Shanghai tone sandhi involves an interaction between tone and stress, thus a contribution to the general OT tone-prominence typology literature (cf. Zhang 2001, Barnes 2002, De Lacy 2002).

国立情報学研究所で電子化したコンテンツを使用している。

本文調查年輕世代 (1988 至 1995 年間出生者) 閩南語的變調範域 (Tone Sandhi Domain)，即調群 (Tone Group)。文中以「傳統調群」表文獻記載的變調範域，以「新調群」表本文重新調查的變調範域。論文的研究立基於音韻句法互動之上，並持間接指涉假設觀點，從韻律音韻學的角度出發，認為句法音韻間存有一韻律介面，且調群為此介面上的韻律單位：音韻詞組 (Phonological Phrase, ϕ)。 本文發現新調群與傳統調群的劃分相異。前人研究指出，調群邊界 (#) 標於音韻詞組右端，音韻詞組為一最大投射 XP，且不可為附加語及附著語。新調群僅部分可以傳統音韻詞組界定，其他則對應至句法上的主要語 X，以及附加語最大投射 XP。此外，新調群的邊界為選擇性地出現，具語言變異。新調群出現四種於傳統調群未見的劃分形式：依調群邊界前的語法單位分為主要語 X 類別：(1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # 及附加語 XP 類別： (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #。 本文提出調群新定義，並以優選理論中的 ROE 模型進行分析，提出三個新制約：Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ)、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ)。Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 用以區分功能性投射與詞彙性投射；ϕ-min 限制音韻詞組至少含兩音節；Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 解釋調群邊界標註於主要語 X 右端。分析時著重制約 Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) 、ϕ-min 及 Align-R (X-head, ϕ) 與切分線 | (Critical Cut-Off Line) 的關係。整體制約排序為：Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ)。除信實性制約 Ident-T-Rϕ 之外，其他標記性制約皆列於切分線之下，預測語言變異。 / The goal of this thesis is to explore the tone sandhi domain, tone group (hereafter, TG), of Taiwan Southern Min of younger generation. A corpus is built and analyzed within the framework of Prosodic Theory, a derived theory from the Phonology-Syntax Interface Theory. In the literature, TG boundary # was marked at the right edge of an XP which is neither an adjunct nor a clitic. However, the TG boundary # of younger generation is marked at the right edges of a maximal XP, an adjunctive XP and an X-head. Moreover, language variation is observed in the TG parsing: the presence of TG boundary # is optional. There are four TG parsings not observed in the literature: (1) V # NP # (2) V # QP # (3) QP # A # (4) AdvP # V #. TG is redefined as a Phonological Phrase which syntactically corresponds to a maximal XP, an adjunct XP, an X-head but not to a clitic XP. The four TG parsings are then analyzed with Rank-Ordering Model of EVAL (ROE), a subtheory within the Optimality Theory domain which particularly addresses language variation. According to ROE, constraints on the right side of critical cut-off line participate in the prediction of variation. Three constraints involving in variation are proposed: Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ), ϕ-min and Align-R (X-head, ϕ). Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) distinguishes lexical projection and functional projection, ϕ-min requires a Phonological Phrase to be minimally disyllabic, and Align-R (X-head, ϕ) predicts # to occur at the right edge of an X-head. The analysis centers around the three constraints’ relation with the critical cut-off line. The constraint rankings are: Ident-T-Rϕ | Align-R (XP-Fnc, ϕ) >> ϕ-min >> Align-R (X-head, ϕ) >> *T >> Align-R (XP-Lex, ϕ). Except for the faithfulness constraint Ident-T-Rϕ, the other markedness constraints are arranged at the right side of the cut-off line in order to predict language variation.