Past research suggests that members of devalued groups recognize their group is discriminated against. Do the implicit responses of members of these groups demonstrate the same pattern? I argue that they do not and that this is due to a motivated protection of members of devalued groups’ social identity. Study 1 demonstrates that, at an explicit level African-Canadians recognize that their group is discriminated against, but at an implicit level African-Canadians think that most people like their group to a greater extent than do European-Canadians. Study 2 replicates this implicit finding but demonstrates that devalued and majority groups do not have different implicit normative regard about a non-devalued group. Study 3 again replicates the implicit finding with Muslim participants while demonstrating that, when affirmed, this group difference disappears. Study 4 demonstrates that implicit normative regard can predict collective action over and above implicit attitudes and explicit normative regard. The implications for social identity theory and collective action are discussed.

This thesis aspires to advance understanding of how actor choices relate to embedded structures of rules in communicative planning practice, using insights from the institutional literature developed in organizational science, economics, sociology and planning. Specifically, the thesis argues that a spatial institutional perspective can help planners understand the complex patterns of interaction among actors, and between actors and rules. Actors interact in the spaces created by the interplay between actor choices and rule structures: the institutional environment. The thesis comprises five papers: two case studies, a literature review and a theoretical paper. A review of the institutional literature reveals insights from other disciplines not yet fully explored in planning, including transaction cost analysis to explain individual decisions and collective action approaches to understanding micro behaviour and macro outcomes. These insights, together with the results of the case studies, suggest that planning theory needs to better understand how individual actors make choices within rule structures and based on the expected behaviour of others. To address this, the thesis offers the concept of relational rewards, which incorporates theories of social capital and communication externalities into a rational actor approach. This may provide an explanation for why self-interested actors make choices about whether or not to participate in interactive forums designed to meet communicative goals. This approach can also explain how boundedly rational actors without communicative norms may over time develop a propensity to collaborate. In a practical sense, this thesis challenges planners to think about what selective incentives they offer actors to participate in communicative planning. It encourages planners to identify and characterize the many institutional environments for planning and decisionmaking in transaction cost terms. Planning theorists and practitioners are experienced and adept in understanding and applying a spatial perspective, and can develop a spatial-institutional approach to coordinating actors both across physical space and within institutional environments. / <p>QC 20100927</p>

This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.

No description available.

<p>Hence, in this mini-thesis I argue that community participation does not automatically facilitate gains for the poor. My main assumption is that internal rigidities in communities, such as weak social capital, culture, trust and reciprocity, affect mutual cooperation towards collective community gains. I used two communities, where a community empowerment project is implemented, as a case study to demonstrate that the success of community participation is contingent on the stocks of social capital in the community. The results show that the responsiveness of the two communities to the project activities differs with the stocks of social capital. I found that trust among community members facilitates information flow in the community. The level of trust is also related to the sources of information of community members about development activities in the community. I also found that solidarity is an important dimension of social capital, which determines community members&rsquo / willingness to help one another and to participate in activities towards collective community gain. The research also demonstrated that perception of community members about target beneficiaries of projects&ndash / whether they represent the interest of the majority of the community or only the interest of community leaders &ndash / influences the level of confidence and ownership of the project. From my research findings, I concluded that, in order for community participation to work successfully, development managers need to identify the stocks of social capital in the community that will form the basis to determine the level of engagement with community members in the participatory process.</p>

Saskatchewan has good growing conditions, much land and water resources, minimal pest pressure and the expertise necessary for growing high-quality commercial vegetables. Statistics show, however, that commercial vegetable production occupies a relatively small place in the agricultural economy of Saskatchewan. Saskatchewan production accounts for less than 10 per cent of the total provincial market for fresh vegetables, the other supplies of fresh vegetables marketed in Saskatchewan come from sources outside of the province and imports from the southern United States, Mexico, and other warm regions. The majority of Saskatchewan produced vegetables are sold through market gardens, farmers’ markets and consumer contract sales. In light of the increasing importance of fresh vegetable demand, examining the role of a new marketing organization in the province is important as it might bring about major realignment of the Saskatchewan fresh produce market. Recently, a project supported by the Agriculture Council of Saskatchewan Inc. (ACS) encouraged producers to organize themselves into picking zones and to work together to supply larger retail markets. The Grocery People (TGP) (a retailer) has agreed to purchase vegetables grown in Saskatchewan for their distribution centre in Saskatoon. This new organization, Prairie Fresh Food Corporation (PFFC), despite its numerous benefits, will test the farmer participants’ resolve to cooperate rather than proceed alone. This poses a real opportunity for producers to expand and develop the infrastructure required, as produce can be pooled. This study uses Transaction Cost, Agency and Monopolistic Competition theories to analyze the factors that hamper farmers from participating in contracts and taking advantage of these potential opportunities. It considers the advantages and barriers or potential challenges to wholesalers and retailers cooperating with this plan. In particular, an economic model of economies of scale through collective action is developed. The model assumes that small growers can access higher market share through collective action and achieving economies of scale. The results of personal interviews with eleven members of PFFC are presented and analyzed in a case study format. The case study analysis of PFFC reveals that the organization could provide positive benefits to its members in the early period of its establishment. The results show that the market share of the PFFC is still relatively small throughout the province, but its members expect it to expand in the future. The results suggest that high relative prices in the market and trust in the buyer have a positive effect on the probability of farmer participation in the project.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

Efforts to utilise Twitter to improve communication in Kenya between officials at the Kenya Police and Ministry of Interior, and Kenyan citizens, are researched specifically addressing efforts to use Twitter to report and combat police corruption. The goal is to assess efforts to use the social networking platform to improve communication channels between officials and citizens, through a mixed methods approach incorporating a content analysis of thousands of tweets sent by four separate government Twitter accounts, as well as interviews with Kenyans who have interacted with the accounts on Twitter. In addition, I assess the potential value of Twitter as a corruption-reporting platform. The research builds on existing ICT4D research, Castells’ communication power theory, as well as collective-action approaches to fighting corruption. The results of the research reveal potential problems of incident-focused social media-based corruption reporting in developing collective-action networks focused on fighting police bribery and broader government corruption. The tendency of social-media interactions to be dominated by relatively meaningless discussions limits Twitter’s value as a useful channel for two-way communication between citizens and officials. Social media-based anti-corruption efforts dedicated to building collective-action networks focused on long-term solutions, rather than highlighting individual incidents, may be more effective in fighting corruption. / <p>I submitted this thesis on August 20; however, there was apparently a technical error with the previous submission, which I was informed of today.</p>

No description available.