No abstract available.

The Northern Triangle area made up by El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras faces a growing gang phenomenon responsible for the growth of violence and instability in the region. Many factors have contributed to the rise of gangs in the region, however, I argue that the deportation of Central American immigrants who became active gang members in the United States play a significant role in the growth of gangs. I analyze the impact of the lack of collaboration between the United States and the nations of the Northern Triangle, especially in the lack of reintegration programs and the other factors that could have influenced or spurred the escalation of gang activity such as a failed recovery process following the civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s and the state repression policies. Furthermore, I assess how the lack of collaboration between the United States and Northern Triangle region in the deportation of criminal immigrants has impacted the transnationalization of the two largest Central American gangs, Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18. Due to the lack of quantitative data on gang size and membership, I conduct my analysis utilizing various studies that have been conducted in the three nations and data regarding homicide and deportation rates. Ultimately, I find that while the U.S. deportees played an important role in altering the characteristics and nature of Central American gangs, a variety of other factors were significant in their growth. Additionally, I find their assignation as Transnational Criminal Organizations premature and inconclusive due to their weak organizational and communication structure. Finally, I question whether gangs are truly the cause of high levels of violence in each of the nations of the Northern Triangle, determining that the Central American gang phenomenon cannot be assessed or treated as a singular issue. Instead, it is imperative to acknowledge the conditions at play in each country.

SANTIAGO, Naigleison Ferreira. Gangues da madrugada: práticas culturais e educativas dos pichadores de Fortaleza nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. 2011. 94f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-02-18T14:29:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-NFSANTIAGO.pdf: 2281303 bytes, checksum: 1d9dbc4a776c9893bf3b6d342154555c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-02-18T15:00:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-NFSANTIAGO.pdf: 2281303 bytes, checksum: 1d9dbc4a776c9893bf3b6d342154555c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-18T15:00:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011-DIS-NFSANTIAGO.pdf: 2281303 bytes, checksum: 1d9dbc4a776c9893bf3b6d342154555c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This present study shows and analyzes certain cultural and educational practices built with gang graffiti movement in Fortaleza city, Ceará, Brazil, in 80’s and 90’s decades. These bold and lawless social people are present and written with a spray and blood, full of vivacity and learning in the city. This research, infected by passion and bias, is against the prejudiced views and moralists who treat these guys as thugs and criminals, who deserve hated purge. With reflections from authors such as Nietzsche and Foucault, about power and pedigree, Maffesoli about hordes and emotional; Certeau, the appropriations, tricks and gimmicks in the city, it´s possible to take a look at this intriguing and challenging movement. Who are these taggers? How do they act? How are cultural and educational practices? What are the conflicts? What are the motivations, even life-threatening, leading the graffiti to mark their features stained glass windows in the city? There are many disturbing questions about this social group that are answered in this experiences and experiences intense study, perceived in many interviews and conversations with those guys, and also support in journals pages that deal constantly writing these taggers write strength in thin walls, bridges, canopies, signs and buildings, considering the city itself as a text, latent and living document of ownership and belonging on part of this social group fully of emotion and action. / O presente estudo apresenta e analisa determinadas práticas culturais e educativas construídas com o movimento das gangues de pichadores na cidade de Fortaleza, capital do Ceará, Brasil, nas décadas de 1980 e 1990. Esses sujeitos sociais ousados e transgressores se fazem presentes numa escrita com spray e sangue, carregada de vivacidade e aprendizados na cidade. A pesquisa infectada de parcialidade e paixão está na contramão das visões preconceituosas e moralistas que tratam esses sujeitos como vândalos, marginais e criminosos odiados que merecem a expurgação. Com o auxílio das reflexões de autores como Nietzsche e Foucault, de vontade de potência e genealogia; Maffesoli, em tribos errantes e emotivas; De Certeau, nas apropriações, dribles e astúcias na cidade, é possível lançar um olhar sobre esse movimento intrigante e desafiador. Quem são esses pichadores? Como agem? Como são estabelecidas suas práticas culturais e educativas? Quais os conflitos existentes? Quais as motivações, inclusive, em riscos de vida, que levam os pichadores a marcar seus traços nos vitrais da cidade? São muitas as perguntas inquietantes sobre esse grupo social que são respondidas nesta dissertação intensa de vivências e experiências, percebidas em muitas entrevistas e conversas com esses sujeitos, tendo também apoio nas páginas de periódicos que constantemente tratam do assunto e da escrita que esses pichadores escrevem à fina força nos muros, viadutos, marquises, placas e prédios, entendendo a própria cidade como um texto, documento vivo e latente de apropriação e pertencimento por parte desse grupo social repleto de emoção e ação.

Thesis (MTech (Education))--Peninsula Technikon, 2003 / Teaching and Learning cannot take place in an unsafe environment. The school plays a central role in the socialisation of a child and it is critical that schools offer a safe environment in which learning can take place. This study attempts to investigate school stakeholder perceptions of the Safe Schools Programme of the WCED and its impact on the learning environment of one primary school in the Mitchell's Plain district. The study as a whole is set against the research literature on crime and violence in schools. The literature surveyed covered the following aspects: (I) What constitutes crime and violence in schools; (2) The effects of crime and violence on the school environment; and (3) Approaches to reducing crime and violence in schools. This research project is a case study of school stakeholder perceptions of the Safe Schools Programme of the WCED as implemented in one primary school. Qualitative research techniques were employed and data was collected by means of individual semi-structured interviews with the acting principal and the safety officer of the school. A focus group interview was held with a group of educators and support staff members. Learners were excluded from the study as the aim was to determine the perceived impact of the Safe Schools Programme on the learning environment at the school. Primary school learners may perhaps not be able to articulate their views on the issue under research. Parents were not included in this research process but could be a valuable source of data for future research.

The purpose of this study was (1) to review programs directed towards students defined "at risk" in the literature, (2) to construct a profile of the at-risk population served by the Gang Risk Intervention Program (GRIP) in Riverside County, and (3) to make future recommendations towards enhanced service delivery to the same.

The code of silence is a major social issue because it obstructs the work against criminal networks. It is based on the fact that members of the networks tend not to report crimes or testify, partly due to the norm of not talking to representatives of the judiciary and due to the risk of being subjected to violence. The aim of this qualitative study is to gain a deeper understanding of the code of silence as a phenomenon within criminal networks. The study is based on interviews with former members of criminal networks. Previous research has shown that legitimacy of violence does not deter members from prosecution. Members also find it difficult to leave the network due to the social relationship. The interviewees emphasize that there is a code of silence towards the police and other members. A deeply imprinted behavior persists till today. The conclusion is that the code of silence towards the police is considered to be an essential part of the network, which is maintained due to violence and learned behavior. The emotional bonds that remain towards the network are the reasons for the participants behavior still being pervaded by a code of silence. / Tystnadskultur är ett stort samhällsproblem eftersom det försvårar arbetet mot kriminella nätverk. Det baseras på att medlemmar tenderar att inte anmäla brott eller vittna, dels på grund av normen kring att inte prata med rättsväsendets representanter och dels på grund av risken att utsättas för våld om de gör det. Syftet med denna kvalitativa studie att få djupare förståelse för tystnadskulturen som fenomen inom de kriminella nätverken. Studien baseras på intervjuer med före detta medlemmar av kriminella nätverk. Tidigare forskning har visat att våldets legitimitet inte avskräcker medlemmar från lagföring och straff. Medlemmar har också svårt att lämna på grund av den sociala relationen till nätverket. Studien baseras på intervjuer med före detta medlemmar av kriminella nätverk. Intervjupersonerna betonar att det finns tystnadskultur både mot polis och andra medlemmar. Det är även ett djupt präglat beteende som finns kvar även idag. Slutsatsen är att tystnadskulturen mot polisen är viktigt för nätverkets struktur. Den upprätthålls på grund av rädsla för våldet och betraktas som ett inlärt beteende. Den emotionella relationen som finns kvar mot nätverket gör att intervjupersonernas vardagliga beteende fortfarande präglas av tystnadskulturen.

In Sweden, there is an intense and politicized debate about the phenomenon of firearm-related violence by criminal gangs, especially among Sweden's parliamentary parties. The purpose of the following study is to explain how a phenomenon is constructed and managed politically by the government and the opposition. The focus will be on how framing and accountability are exerted concerning gang-related shootings in Swedish politics. The theory that will be used to analyze the political game is Boin, ‘t Hart and McConnell's theoretical framework about framing and crisis exploitation. The study shows that even though different frameworks are used, there is an existing consensus among the political parties Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Vänsterpartiet that firearm-related violence by criminal gangs is considered a crisis in Swedish politics. It is evident that the government chooses to deny responsibility while the opposition focus on blaming the government. It was therefore concluded that the outcome of the political game regarding firearm-related violence by criminal gangs will be a ‘blame showdown’, where the political implications are difficult to apprehend.

The aim of this study is to get a better understanding of the transition out of an aberrantclosed group. This thematic literature study is based on 16 articles of people leaving criminalgangs, closed religious groups, and white supremacy groups. The different articles focus onprocesses that lead people to leaving their groups or the different changes and experiencespeople went through as they left. Three themes highlight the common experiences oftransitioning out of these groups are: disillusion, the experience of loss, and the struggle withcreating a new identity. Some people experienced disillusionment with their groups whilethey were still inside the group while others' experience of disillusionment with their formergroup came after they had left it. People who left their groups often began to shift their pointof reference, whereby they started to compare themself with norms and values that existed intheir new setting, although this could take time. Their previous group's narratives sometimesweighed heavily on their minds. Some people felt as if they had gone astray after they hadleft their former groups. The disillusionment and the different losses people went throughlead some of the people into what can be described as an identity crisis. A place where somefelt not only alienated from their former group or the society that they entered but sometimesalso felt alienated from themself, a mental state of disorientation. Some people struggled withwhat can be referred to as a hangover identity. Although they tried to get rid of their previousideas and thought patterns they were still haunted by them. For some people their newidentities both helped them distance themselves from thoughts and feelings connected to theirformer identity but also helped them see themself as something else then a former member oftheir group. Others struggled to access desired roles and identity. They instead experiencedthe pains of goal failure where they were held back because of societal views of their formerroles.

No description available.

The first accurate observations of street gangs in Finland were made by the police in 2021. Currently, the Police of Finland have identified 350 individuals who are involved in street gangs with 150 individuals having a central role in the gangs. The emergence of street gangs has led to intensified debate in relation to the issue. Discussion and debate have also emerged within the realm of politics, as violence by street gangs has been considered to be a threat to public safety. The aim of this study was to explore how the issue of street gangs is discussed in the debate by the Parliament of Finland. The material is from the years 2021 – 2023 and consists of written questions and oral questions by politicians, as well as an interpellation. The material from the Parliament was analyzed using thematic analysis to be able to identify central themes in the debate. The key findings are that the politicians in Finland acknowledge that the issue has escalated, and action must be taken to prevent further escalation. Causes of the problem as well as possible measures for the purpose of prevention are also discussed. Comprehensive welfare is considered to be the cornerstone of criminal policy in Finland, as it is expected to result in decreasing crime rates. Results of this study, however, indicate that the debate around street gangs in Finland is to some extent led by ideological perceptions. Polarization of the perception of "us" and "them" seems to be particularly prominent within parliamentary debate concerning street gangs in Finland.