This thesis offers a re-examination of the expulsion, return and subsequent integration of the Jesuits into France during the reign of Henry IV and the regency of Marie de Medicis (1594- 1615). Drawing on archival material from Paris, Rome and London, it argues that in order to understand the Society of Jesus's role in seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century France one must understand the circumstances of their return. The critical moment for the Society in France, this study contends, was the promulgation of the Edict of Rouen in 1603, not their expulsion in 1594. The Edict and the royal goodwill which sanctioned it gave the Society a legal standing in France and established a set of conditions which formed the basis for a new Jesuit role in the French church and wider society. Moreover, the Edict of Rouen was more than just an attempt by Henry IV to bring peace to the Catholic church; it was also an important assertion of royal authority in the French church. Indeed, I argue that the return of the Society exclusively through royal clemency or grâce defined an important alliance between the monarchy and the Jesuits which was to be a significant feature of the French church for more than a century. Although numerous historians have already looked at various aspects of this important topic, this thesis is the first to argue that the most important development of this period for our understanding of the Society's position and role in France was the accommodation of the Society by the French church and French royal administrative structures after the king's will was expressed in 1603. It also asserts that it was the reality of compromise not the rhetoric of conflict which should shape our understanding of the Society's integration into France and their role in the French church in the seventeenth century.

In recent decades considerable progress has been made in elucidating the assumptions and the dynamics of Muscovite court politics, and further scrutiny is attempted in this enquiry into the ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564. Chapters 1 to 3 are devoted to groundwork. In Chapter 1 an introduction to the ruling oligarchy is provided against the background of Muscovy's contemporary government and population. The goal of territorial aggrandisement pursued by Muscovite rulers from Ivan HI favoured "rationalisation" of the central government and reforms of the army's discipline and technology; moreover, the wars of conquest left untouched no element of the population. Tsar Ivan and his exercise of authority were especially strongly affected: the precedents established by earlier rulers encouraged him to consider Muscovy his private votchina. but such an attitude became increasingly anachronistic as the realms expanded and the tasks of governing it grew too complex for any one man. During the Oprichnina he attempted to resolve this contradiction by ruling autocratically; autocratic rule and those circumstances favouring it by 1564 are the dissertation's main theme. Even before 1564 Ivan IV was the central actor in Muscovite politics, and criteria are advanced whereby advisers close enough to qualify for the ruling oligarchy are identified. The mid-sixteenth century, as a prelude to autocracy, was a critical moment in Muscovite politics; the rich and varied historiography is surveyed in Chapter 2. The sources - their authors, dates, and value as historical evidence - are critically assessed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 to 7 comprise the heart of the dissertation. In Chapters 4 to 6 an attempt is made to identify members of the ruling oligarchy of 1546-1564; their political behaviour and where feasible, their political attitudes are explored. In Chapter 7 the attitudes individual members maintained towards particular reforms envisaged at mid-century are explored. The dissertation's main conclusions are systematically expounded in Chapter 8, and as appropriate, their broader implications for Russian and European history are brought out.

The object of this thesis is to lay open a repertory of music which has long been ignored, the music for two and more choirs composed by Roman composers of the generation of Palestrina and his immediate successors. Polychoral music is taken to mean music in which two or more independent and consistent groups of voices take part, singing separately and together; the parts should remain independent in tuttl sections, with the possible exception of the bass parts. By this definition, the first real polychoral music to be published in Rome was that by Giovanni P. da Palestrina in his Motettorum liber secundus of 1575. This is taken as the starting point for this study. Music which might have influenced Roman composers is examined, as well as eight-voice music by Roman composers which is not polychoral according to the above criteria. The development of polychoral music in the city is then traced through the reigns of the various popes from Gregory XIII to Paul V, whose death in 1621 is taken as a convenient place to end the study. Particular emphasis is laid on structural and textural aspects and the way these were adapted by successive composers. The ground for the Roman concerts to style was laid in the early experiments by composers such as Giovanni Animuccia, Palestrina and Tomas Luis de Victoria; this is traced through what is termed the 'fragmented' style of the last two decades of the sixteenth century to the full flowering of the large-scale concerts to motet after 1605. The music is studied in the context of the institutions for which it was written. The archives of these Institutions have been researched for information on performance practice, which is presented here. The broader cultural, social and religious background which spawned the idiom is also examined and polychoral music related both to the new propagandist attitude of church leaders from Gregory XIII onwards, and to a general expansion in musical activity in the city of Rome through the period under investigation. The various printed and manuscript sources for this music have been researched and the resulting catalogue of pieces by fifty or so composers who worked in the city is presented. A more detailed examination is carried out of the primary manuscript sources, from which valuable information on various aspects of the music can be obtained.

From the beginning of the Reformation until the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, there was brisk and far-reaching cultural interaction between England and German-speaking states. Towards the end of this period, the Englische Komoedianten (EK) - itinerant troupes of English actors and musicians - began a century of touring German courts and cities, with remarkable though neglected success. This thesis is a study of the first, truly English, phase of those tours, 1592-1620, arguing that the EK deserve recognition for their achievement as mediators between English and German cultures in their own right, not because of the remote possibility that they may have been the first to take Shakespeare to Germany. The thesis concentrates on a collection of EK plays, Engelische Comedien vnd Tragedien (1620), which contains a representative selection of their comedies, tragedies and "Singspiele", the genre associated with their clown, Pickelhering, the figure with whom they were most closely associated in the popular mind. There are five main sections: 1) A survey of scholarly attitudes to the EK; 2) A study of Anglo-German cultural relations in the sixteenth century; 3) The EK on tour, and their dealings with courts, cities and the church; 4) A study of four versions of perhaps the most popular of all fictions in Germany in the sixteenth century, Fortunatus, and his magic gifts, from its origins in the Augsburg Volksbuch (1509), through Hans Sachs (l553), Thomas Dekker (1599), to the EK themselves (1620): this is the one work which crosses from Germany to England and then back again during the century, changing and developing at each step; and 5) a detailed analysis of the 1620 collection of plays, according to questions of recognisability, socio-political immediacy, generic impurity and minimal staging. A brief investigation of English influences on Andreas Gryphius concludes the work.

This thesis is concerned with cartographic practices and the representation of the world during the Renaissance. In contrast with the modern instrumentalized world view, it will present surveying techniques and representational means that were defined by and reflected a divine transcendental order. The work of Cristoforo Sorte, as exemplified in his chorographia, will be investigated in order to display the mysterious qualities and geometric depth shared with Renaissance art and architecture. An examination of Sorte's methods of creating his work, relying on memory and the active recollection of the viewer, will reveal the primacy of shared human experience in the making of meaningful art and artifacts during the Renaissance. Perhaps an understanding of this world view will help mediate the dominating gaze which enframes the modern world and recover embodied perception as the site of architecture.

Starting from the final decades of the sixteenth century, Ottoman intellectuals were deeply concerned with what they perceived to be the decline of their traditional order. This decline consciousness, which later crystallized into a reform literature, is reflected in the works of this period's major historians. / Chapter I surveys the development of Ottoman historiography prior to the late sixteenth century, with the aim of highlighting the novelty of the critical perspectives developed by historians of the era like Ali, Lokman and Selaniki. The attitudes and analyses of these historians concerning disturbing economic processes such as monetary turbulence and price movements constitute the focus of Chapters II and III respectively. These chapters argue that Ottoman decline consciousness grew partly in response to a keen awareness of newly emerging social and economic forces that Ottoman reform literature chose not to understand and accomodate but to resist and suppress. The failure of Ottoman intellectuals to come to terms with the new market forces of the early modern world was not due to an anti-mercantile bias, but to the primacy of politics in the Ottoman order. Chapter IV traces the international commercial activities of Ottoman Muslims in the context of a comparison between Ottoman decline consciousness and European mercantilism.

The accompanying thesis forms a study of the General Assembly as an influence not only upon Scottish Politics but upon Scottish Representative Institutions. The majority of writers upon the history of the Scottish Church stress the private influence of individuals, which while interesting in itself was in many cases extraneous to the general movements both in the Kirk and in the development of the representative principle both as applied to Kirk institutions and to Parliament and Conventions. Several writers have seen in the General Assembly a thoroughly democratic institution, which represented all classes of social life and which prepared the way for the ideal of a universal franchise. I have endeavoured to show that the General Assembly for the greater part of its development had little of this universal character and was rather the expression of an "Opposition" which was no more democratic in actual composition than the Parliament itself. The period 1560-1618 represents only part of the period upon which I originally began investigation. To cope with the century 1560-1660 I found that it would have been necessary to omit much manuscript material which was valuable for purposes of detail. I therefore limited the present thesis to the 58 years after the Reformation which saw the rise of the Assembly to full power 1592-96 and its subsequent decline, both as a political force and as a representative institution.

Le présent travail étudie la manière dont la théorie artistique et la peinture italiennes de l' « automne de la Renaissance », chacune avec ses modalités propres, ont pensé le laid et l'ont progressivement rapproché du beau. La première partie est ainsi consacrée à la traditionnelle conception de la laideur comme simple contraire de la beauté, c'est-à-dire comme dysharmonie formelle. La seconde partie porte sur le passage de cette antithèse conceptuelle entre le beau et laid à leur articulation paradoxale, où la laideur se voit conférer des qualités généralement attribuées à la beauté. Plusieurs "belles laideurs" sont alors envisagées : celle des peintures sacrées « cruelles et horribles » (Gabriele Paleotti), qui tirent leur beauté de leur conformité aux Écritures, donc de leur vérité ; celle des figures dites "siléniques", dont les dehors repoussants laissent transparaître une bonté d'âme ; celle des "caprices" artistiques qui, sous une apparente difformité, recèlent une signification manifestant l‟ingéniosité de leur créateur ; ou encore celle relevant du paradoxe aristotélicien de la représentation, selon lequel des laideurs correctement imitées suscitent du plaisir chez l'observateur. Dans le cadre de l'esthétique baroque, la "belle laideur" devient un oxymore, où l‟horreur du contenu de la mimésis est consciemment exploitée afin de souligner, par contraste, le pouvoir transfigurateur de l'artiste. La théorisation de la caricature au cours du XVIIe siècle, évoquée en conclusion, viendra suggérer une coïncidence de la beauté et de la laideur qui, du moins dans leurs formes idéales, semblent en réalité constituer les deux faces d'une même médaille. / This research analyses the way Italian paintings and artistic theory from the late Renaissance conceptualised ugliness, and gradually drew it closer to beauty. The first part of this dissertation focuses on the traditional notion of ugliness as the mere opposite of beauty, in other words, ugliness as an expression of formal disharmony. The second part deals with the evolution from this conceptual antithesis to the paradoxical entwinement of these two notions, which led some authors to endow ugliness with qualities which had hitherto been applied to beauty. We will consider several forms of „beautiful ugliness‟: those of the “cruel and horrible” (Gabriele Paleotti) sacred paintings whose beauty resides in their faithful rendering of the Scriptures, or, in other words, in their truthfulness; those of the Silenus-like characters whose kindness pierces through revolting physical traits; those of the artistic capricci who, under their apparent deformity, hide the ingenuity of their creator; or those who take up the Aristotelian paradox, according to which the correct imitation of ugliness arouses a feeling of pleasure among the spectator. In the Baroque aesthetic, the „beautiful ugliness‟ is an oxymoronic creation in which the horrifying content of the mimesis is consciously used in order to highlight, by contrast, the transformative power of the artist. The conceptualisation of caricature in the 17th century, which we will mention at the end of this work, suggests that beauty and ugliness, at least in their ideal forms, are in fact the two sides of a same coin.

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