L’inventaire de la bibliothèque de l’avocat Julien Brodeau, dressé en 1658 à l’occasion du mariage de son fils Julien II, est un document exceptionnel pour plusieurs raisons : il est complet et il reflète le classement des livres dont les titres sont renseignés avec une précision suffisante pour permettre l’identification de la plupart d’entre eux. Les quelque 6 000 volumes qui constituent la bibliothèque de Brodeau représentent une mine d’informations dont l’exploitation a nécessité l’élaboration d’outils adaptés. Afin de pouvoir mesurer la bibliothèque par son contenu et d’opérer des calculs croisés avec d’autres données, il a été notamment nécessaire d’adopter un système de classement suffisamment proche de celui de la bibliothèque pour ne pas le dénaturer. C’est la classification du libraire Brunet revue par l’historien et bibliothécaire Henri-Jean Martin qui a été utilisée. Les quelque 300 exemplaires qui ont été retrouvés de la bibliothèque de Brodeau ont montré que cette bibliothèque, bien qu’encyclopédique, était une bibliothèque d’étude. Moins soumise au phénomène de mode que les bibliothèques d’apparat, elle révèle un certain nombre d’options religieuses et politiques de son auteur. Nous avons retracé la vie de cette bibliothèque depuis son origine jusqu’à sa dispersion en 1698 à travers la vie de la famille Brodeau et son évolution sociale. Ceci a permis non seulement de déterminer les causes de sa dispersion mais de la situer dans la société parisienne de l’époque. Témoin de l’esprit d’ouverture de son auteur, la bibliothèque de Brodeau était un objet partagé par des érudits d’opinions diverses au service de la science juridique héritée des humanistes. / The inventory of the library of the lawyer Julien Brodeau, drawn up in 1658 on the occasion of the marriage of his son Julien II, is an exceptional document for two main reasons : it is complete and it reflects the classification of books whose titles are described with sufficient precision to allow the identification of most of them. The approximately 6,000 volumes that make up the Brodeau’s library represent a wealth of information that has required the development of appropriate tools. In order to measure the library’s content and to perform cross-calculations with other data, it was necessary to adopt a classification system sufficiently close to that of the library so as not to distort it. We have used the classification of the bookseller Brunet reviewed by the historian and librarian Henri-Jean Martin. The approximately 300 books that were found from the Brodeau’s library showed that this library, although encyclopaedic, was a library of study. Less subject to the fashion phenomenon than the state libraries, it reveals a number of religious and political options of its author. We have painted the life of this library from its origin until its scattering in 1698 through the life of the Brodeau family and its social evolution. This allowed not only to determine the causes of its scattering but to situate it in the Parisian society of the time. Sign of openness of mind of its author, the Brodeau’s library was an object shared by scholars of different persuasions in order to serve the legal science inherited from the humanists.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1985. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH. / Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 348-379). / This dissertation concerns the extensive building program which Henri IV undertook in Paris from 1600 to 1610. Focusing on the place Royale (now called the place des Vosges) , the place Dauphine, rue Dauphine, and Pont Neuf, and the hôpital St. Louis, this study holds that Henri IV's urbanism was guided by an emerging view of the city as a unified entity. Drawing from newly uncovered notarial documents, the dissertation examines the form and the function of the monuments and argues that each building was embedded in its physical context, engaged in the life of the city, and informed by an underlying urban vision . First, the buildings were not autonomous geometric forms dropped into open spaces; they were conceived as parts of a larger urban composition, structured by axes which linked the monuments to major roads without however diminishing the quality of spatial enclosure which the designs also promoted. Second, the squares and the hospital were each charged with a program anchored in the commercial, social, and sanitary life of the city. The place Royale and place Dauphine were planned as residential and commercial squares to stimulate trade and manufacturing while the hôpital St. Louis was intended to minimize the convulsive effect of the plague on the city. Finally, the dissertation argues that the royal building program was not merely a sequence of unrelated improvements and isolated adornments, but rather a series of coordinated efforts to impose a unifying order on the city. The monuments were assigned functions which addressed the city as a whole . They were physically linked to more distant parts of the city, and they were composed to create grand urban vistas. The urban fabric was no long e r conceived as an accumulation of fragments contained within the walls; it was understood as a cohesive network with its own internal order. / by Hilary Meg Ballon. / Ph.D.

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The present essay deals with the Charles Le Brun's theory of the representation of passions. It summarizes the most important publications about Le Brun's lecture on expression ("Conference generale et particuliere) and mention some neglected aspects, for example its relation to the tradition of ancient rhetoric or period manners. The lecture is set in the context of period quarrels (quarrel about the importance of drawing or colour, quarrel of the Ancients and Moderns) and a special attention is given to the sources wich were used by Le Brun to develop his theory (philosophical, rhetorical, medical and physiognomical studies, book of manners) It follows from the study of literature and sources that the Le Brun's theory was innovative in many aspects but still depended on the older tradition, probably more than was recently supposed.

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This thesis explores the first English translations of Molière's works published between 1663 and 1732 by writers that include John Dryden, Edward Ravenscroft, Aphra Behn, and Henry Fielding. It challenges the idea that the translators straightforwardly plagiarized the French plays and instead argues that their work demonstrates engagement with the dramatic impact and satirical drive of the source texts. It asks how far the process of anglicization required careful examination of the plays' initial French national context. The first part of the thesis presents three fundamental angles of interrogation addressing how the translators dealt with the form of the dramatic works according to theoretical and practical principles. It considers translators' responses to conventions of plot formation, translation methods, and prosody. The chapters are underpinned by comparative assessments of contextual theoretical writings in French and English in order to examine the plays in the light of the evolving theatrical tastes and literary practices occasioned by cross-Channel communication. The second part takes an alternative approach to assessing the earliest translations of Molière. Its four chapters are based on close analysis of culturally significant lexical terms which evoke comically contentious social themes. This enquiry charts the changes in translation-choices over the decades covered by the thesis corpus. The themes addressed, however, were relevant throughout the period in both France and England: marital discord caused by anxieties surrounding cuckoldry and gallantry, the problems of zealous religious ostentation, the dubious professional standing of medical practitioners, and bourgeois social pretension. This part assesses how the key terms in translation were chosen to resonate within the new semantic fields in English, a target language which was coming into close contact with new French terms.

O presente trabalho, intitulado Procedimentos e tendências da tradução na Alemanha no século XVII, demonstra, sobretudo através da análise da tradução da obra Los siete libros de la Diana, de Jorge de Montemayor, escrita originalmente em 1559 e traduzida sob o título de Die sieben Bücher der schönen Diana, por Johann Ludwig von Kuefstein, em 1619, e através de considerações das discussões sobre tradução em cinco Poéticas alemãs escritas no século XVII, que houve uma intensa discussão sobre o tema tradução na Alemanha no século XVII. A discussão sobre tradução está contida em obras (Poéticas) que se dedicam a um programa político e cultural no século XVII: o cultivo da língua, cujo principal intuito era a fundação de um instrumento comum de identificação cultural entre os povos de língua alemã. A necessidade política da fundação de um instrumento comum de identificação cultural na Alemanha no século XVII relaciona-se ao contexto histórico e social deste país, em que se sentiam os prejuízos da Guerra dos Trinta Anos (1618-1648) e da peste, assim como os dissabores do relativo \"atraso\" literário em comparação com outros países da Europa Ocidental. O ideal político-cultural de uma língua e literatura alemã de alcance nacional propiciou aos intelectuais alemães, reunidos em sociedades lingüísticas, que utilizassem a tradução como principal meio de recuperação de obras da Antigüidade e da Renascença. Os procedimentos mais freqüentemente utilizados na tradução e as considerações sobre os mesmos são mostrados nos capítulos III e IV deste trabalho. A tendência da tradução, de que se fala na conclusão deste trabalho, leva em consideração algumas poucas peculiaridades dos séculos XV (Nyklas von Wyle) e XVI (Martinho Lutero e Philipp Melanchton) e breves considerações sobre a concepção de tradução de Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (início do século XIX), pois apenas a partir da análise de tendências anteriores e posteriores é que poderíamos definir mais precisamente a tendência da tradução no século XVII. O demonstrado atinge seu objetivo primeiro: refutar a tese de Friedmar APEL (1983), de que entre Lutero e o Iluminismo teria havido estagnação nas reflexões sobre tradução na Alemanha. / This research - Translation procedures and tendencies in 17th century Germany - demonstrates that there was an intensive discussion about translation in Germany in 17th century. This fact can be demonstrated by the analysis of the translation from Montemayor´s Los siete libros de la Diana, originally written in 1559 in Spanish and translated into German in 1619 by Johann Ludwig von Kuefstein as Die sieben Bücher der schönen Diana, and by the discussions on translation in the Poetics written in 17th century Germany. The Poetics written in Germany in 17th century that contain discussions on translation are part of a political and cultural program: language policy. Its main intention was the foundation of an instrument that would serve as common cultural identification among people who spoke German as mother tongue. The political requirement of establishing a common instrument that should serve as cultural identification in 17th century Germany has reference to the historical and social context of this country, in that one felt the damages of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) and of the pest, as well as of the displeasures due to the relative literary \"delay\", if compared to other lands in Western Europe. The political and cultural ideal of a German language and literature that could expand over all German frontiers allowed the German intellectuals - congregated in linguistic societies - to use translation as the principal mean of re-acquiring Antiquity and Renaissance works. The most frequent procedures in Kuefstein´s translation and their considerations are showed in chapters 3 and 4 of this work. The tendency of translation - about what it is told in the conclusion of this work - takes into account some few peculiarities of the 15th and 16th centuries (Nyklas von Wyle, Martin Luther, Philipp Melanchton) and brief considerations from Johann Wolfgang von Goethe´s conception of translation (beginning of 19th century), because just from the analyses of earlier and later tendencies, it would be possible to describe precisely the tendency of translation in 17th century German. The demonstrated in this research reaches its objective: to refute the thesis of Friedmar APEL (1983), that there has been a stagnation process in the discussions about translation in Germany during the period who comprehends from Martin Luther to the Enciclopedism.

This project is a transcription and translation of a letter from the Japonica Sinica 85 collection of the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu. It was written by an unidentified Jesuit who recounts three years of history (1655-1657) of the Tonkin kingdom (in present-day Vietnam), replacing the annual letters from those years that had been lost at sea. The account includes descriptions of their wars with Cochinchina, the succession of the kingship, and the funeral and burial of the Lê-Triṇh lord, Triṇh Tráng.