Hintergrund: Experimentelle Studien konnten zeigen, dass Taurolidin intraperitoneales Tumorwachstum durch lokale intraperitoneale Applikation reduzieren kann. Erste Studien zur tumorstatischen Wirksamkeit nach systemischer Bolus-Applikation zeigten keinen Effekt auf das intra- und extraperitoneale Tumorwachstum. In einem neuen Experiment wurde die Wirkung einer einwöchigen intermittierenden Therapie versus einer Bolus-Therapie mit steigenden Konzentration von Taurolidin bis 3% auf das intraperitoneale und subkutane Tumorwachstum untersucht. Methoden: 80 Ratten (BD IX) wurden einer medianen Laparotomie unterzogen. Anschließend wurden 2 x 104 syngenetische Adenokarzinomzellen (DHD/K12/TRb) intraperitoneal und subkutan am Rücken instilliert. Die Tiere wurden in acht Gruppen randomisiert. Vier Gruppen erhielten postoperativ eine intravenöse (iv) Bolustherapie (Taurolidin 1%, 2%, 3%, Ringer-Lösung), vier Gruppen erhielten die Therapie über eine Woche intermittierend viermal täglich über ein iv Port-System. Nach vier Wochen erfolgte die Obduktion und Auswertung des Tumorwachstums hinsichtlich Tumorgewicht und Anzahl der Tumorknoten. Ergebnisse: Die Anzahl der subkutanen Tumorknoten war unter 3% Taurolidin gegenüber der Kontrollgruppe reduziert (p=0,035). Darüberhinaus war ein Trend der Reduktion des subkutanen Tumorgewichtes unter steigender Taurolidinkonzentration zu verzeichnen (p=0,048). Diskussion: Nur die Langzeittherapie über eine Woche mit 3% Taurolidin-Lösung konnte eine diskrete subkutane Tumorreduktion bewirken. Unerwünschte Arzneimittelwirkungen traten bis auf passagäre vagotone Wirkungen bei zu schneller Applikation nicht auf. Schnelle Injektionen sollten vermieden werden. Die Ergebnisse führen über zu weiteren Studien, die die Wirksamkeit von systemischer Applikation an etablierten, vaskularisierten Tumoren untersuchen. / Background: Experimental studies have shown that taurolidine suppresses intraperitoneal tumor growth following local application in rats. In opposite, a single intravenous therapy affected neither intraperitoneal nor subcutaneous growth of malignancies. Thus, an intravenous bolus and long term therapy with 1%, 2% and 3% taurolidine was investigated in rats with intraperitoneal and subcutaneous tumor load. Methods: At the beginning of the operation 10,000 colon adenocarcinoma cells (DHD/K12/TRb) were applied subcutaneously at the back of the rats. Then the animals (n=80, BD IX rats) were randomized into eight groups and underwent a standardized 4 cm midline laparotomy for 30 minutes. At the end of the operation a bolus (1 ml Ringer´s solution) versus a long term intravenous therapy (7 days, eight-hourly 1 ml 1%, 2%, or 3% taurolidine) were performed. For long term therapy a jugularis vein port catheter system was placed and left for one week. The influences on subcutaneous tumor growth, animal growth, general side effects and leukocyte granulocyte counts were analyzed. Total tumor weights were determined four weeks after cell application. Results: The metastatic (subcutaneous) tumor growth showed a dose-dependent reduction of tumor weight (p=0.048) under long term therapy with statistical significancy in solid tumor counts (p=0,035). A slight and temporary depression in animal growth was observed only in long term therapy groups. Independent of the therapeutic agents and the application forms, the operation itself caused a slight leukopenia shortly after the operation compensated by a moderate leukocytosis in the following course. Fast injections of taurolidine led to temporary reduction of breathing rate. Conclusions: Only the intravenous long term therapy of 3% taurolidine led to a slight downregulation in metastatic (subcutaneous) tumor growth. The slight changes of leukocyte counts were not affected by taurolidine. Fast injections have to be avoided. The findings prompted us to start new experiments to determine the influence of increasing doses of taurolidine on progressive tumor growth in rats.

Long, Xiang. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-247). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

Some linguists in the nineteenth century argued for the existence of a "Turanian" family of languages in Eastern Europe and Northern Asia, claiming the common descent of a vast range of languages like Hungarian, Finnish, Turkish, Mongol, Manchu, and their relatives and dialects. Of such linguists, Friedrich Max Müller (1823-1900) was an important developer and popularizer of a version of the Turanian theory across Europe, given his influence as a German-born Oxford professor in Victorian England from the 1850s onwards. Although this theory lost ground in academic linguistics from the mid twentieth century, a pan-nationalist movement pushing for the political unity of all Turanians emerged in Hungary and the Ottoman Empire from the Fin-de-siècle era. This thesis focuses on the history of this linguistic theory in the nineteenth century, examining Müller's methodology and assumptions behind his Turanian concept. It argues that, in the comparative-historical trend in linguistics in an age of European imperialism, Müller followed evolutionary narratives of languages based on word morphologies in which his contemporaries rationalized the superiority of "inflectional" Indo-European languages over "agglutinating" Turanian languages. Building on the "Altaic" theory of the earlier Finnish linguist and explorer Matthias Castrén, Müller factored in the more primitive nomadic lifestyle of many peoples speaking agglutinating languages to genealogically group them into the Turanian family. Müller's universalist Christian values gave him a touch of sympathy for all human languages and religions, but he reinforced the hierarchical view of cultures in his other comparative sciences of mythology and religion as well. This picture was challenged in the cultural pessimism of the Fin de siècle with the Pan-Turanists turning East to their nomadic heritage for inspiration.

No description available.

This is an attempt to study the attitude of Shāh ʻAbdul ʻAzīz (1746-1824), the son of Shāh Walīullāh, the leading ʻālims of their time in India, and of other Indian Muslims towards the British in India in the early 19th century. The 19th century has great significance in Indian history. The Battle of Plassey in 1757, marks the beginning of a process which led, in 1857, to the establishment of the suzerainty of the British Crown over India. The process which was set in motion in 1757, had reached a definite stage –by 1803, when the British hegemony was established over Delhi, and the Mughal Emperor virtually became a pawn in their hands. The establishment of British control over Delhi must have disturbed the Muslims for it entailed the end of their own domination. / fr

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-01-20Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:24:07Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_am_dr_assis.pdf: 7231213 bytes, checksum: 8d7d49cafd699d78739dc3e03c8fc619 (MD5) / A tese “A coluna “Reflexões” de Hipólito da Costa no Correio Brasiliense (1808- 1822): uma voz pela liberdade de imprensa, união do Brasil com Portugal e contra governos despóticos” apresenta uma análise do discurso contido em textos que este jornalista produziu ao longo do período de 1808 a 1822. O objetivo da pesquisa foi verificar que o discurso de Hipólito, enquanto modalidade discursiva, possui características panfletárias e resgatar a crítica deste importante jornalista da primeira fase do jornalismo brasileiro. O método de análise escolhido foi o de análise de conteúdo de textos de Hipólito da Costa, veiculados, em especial, na Seção Miscelânea e na Coluna “Reflexões” Para tanto, o primeiro capítulo do trabalho discorre sobre a prática panfletária, incluindo a prosa panfletária, e nesta, o panfleto e sua origem; aspecto satírico desse discurso ; a crítica panfletária. O segundo capítulo reúne informações sobre Hipólito da Costa e seu Correio Brasiliense, bem como aspectos históricos sobre Hipólito da Costa como sua trajetória, morte, descendências; e aspectos sobre o referido periódico. No terceiro capítulo está a discussão do objeto, a partir de uma coletânea de 39 textos nos quais Hipólito da Costa defendeu a liberdade de imprensa, a união do Brasil com Portugal e a extinção de governos despóticos. Em cada texto estão destacados elementos de estilística e de conteúdo que marcam a argumentação do redator, por meio da qual ele avalia, julga, critica e emite juízo de valor acerca do sistema administrativo português no Brasil e profere ataques agressivos a pessoas ligadas a esse sistema. Por fim, as considerações finais sintetizam os resultados das observações abstraídas das leituras dos 39 textos de Hipólito da Costa, presentes no Correio Brasiliense, no período de 1808 a 1822 / The thesis “The “Reflexões” Column of Hipólito da Costa in Correio Brasiliense (1808-1822): a voice for the press freedom, union of Brazil and Portugal and against despotic governments” presents an analysis of the speech contained in texts that this journalist produced throughout the period of 1808 and 1822. The aim of the research was to verify that Hipólito speech has pamphletary features, considering the discursive modality, and also to recover the critical of this important journalist in the first phase of Brazilian journalism. The chosen method was analysis of Hipólito da Costa texts contents, propagated, in special, in Miscelânea Section and “Reflexões” Column. For that, the first chapter of this paper talks about the pamphletary practice, including the pamphletary prose, and in this case, the pamphlet and its origin; satirical aspect of this speech; the pamphletary critical. The second chapter assembles information of Hipólito da Costa and his Correio Brasiliense, and historical aspects of Hipólito da Costa as well as his trajectory, death, descents; and aspects on his periodical. The third chapter brings the object discussion, from a compilation of 39 texts, in which Hipólito da Costa defended press freedom, the union of Brazil and Portugal and the extinction of despotic governments. In every text, content elements were detached that marks the author argument, through the one he evaluates, judges, criticizes and emits judgment of value, concerning the Portuguese administrative system in Brazil and pronounces aggressive attacks to people related to this system. Finally, the final considerations synthecize the results of the comments derived from the reading of 39 texts of Hipólito da Costa, included in Correio Brasiliense, during the period of 1808 and 1822

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, 2014. / Submitted by Ana Cristina Barbosa da Silva (annabds@hotmail.com) on 2015-02-06T16:35:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_FernandoHenriqueLopesHonorato.pdf: 1347304 bytes, checksum: 7f24a58551308ef1a6cfa668088bcf0f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ruthléa Nascimento(ruthleanascimento@bce.unb.br) on 2015-02-12T17:16:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_FernandoHenriqueLopesHonorato.pdf: 1347304 bytes, checksum: 7f24a58551308ef1a6cfa668088bcf0f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-12T17:16:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_FernandoHenriqueLopesHonorato.pdf: 1347304 bytes, checksum: 7f24a58551308ef1a6cfa668088bcf0f (MD5) / O presente estudo é fruto de parte das pesquisas realizadas sobre a história dos conceitos de constituição e constitucionalismo no Brasil no contexto do processo de independência político-jurídica em relação a Portugal, precisamente com a experiência de uma Assembleia Geral Constituinte e Legislativa em 1823. A partir da análise dos discursos dos parlamentares fundadores, propõe uma investigação histórica sobre a (in)definição da forma constitucional e sua estabilização, bem como sobre a seleção dos conteúdos que deveriam integrar a constituição, inundados pelos campos de experiência dos congressistas constituintes e pelos horizontes de expectativas em relação ao Estado-Nação em gestação. Para tanto, as principais fontes primárias utilizadas na pesquisa foram os Diários da Assembleia Constituinte brasileira de 1823 e das Cortes de Lisboa de 1821/1822, os instrumentos legais editados no Brasil e em Portugal no período estudado, bem como alguns periódicos da época, como o Correio Braziliense, o Diário Constitucional, o Revérbero Constitucional Fluminense e outros. Além disso, as fontes secundárias iluminaram a história dos conceitos utilizados, como a própria noção de constituição e constitucionalismo, cujo uso indiscriminado conduzia a uma disputa de sentidos como verdadeiros artefatos para a conquista de posições ideológicas muito bem definidas. Neste ambiente permeado de incertezas e interesses antagônicos, a auto-atribuição de poderes legislativos pelos constituintes da Assembléia brasileira de 1823, bem como a inclusão no projeto de constituição, de forma inédita na recente história do constitucionalismo moderno, de um artigo que “flexibilizava” a reforma de algumas normas constantes no texto constitucional, mantido posteriormente na Carta Constitucional outorgada por D. Pedro I em 1824, sob a forma do artigo 178, surgiam como mais uma possibilidade de compreensão de sentido da constituição. ________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This study is the result of some of the research on the history of the concepts of constitution and constitutionalism in Brazil in the context of political and legal independence from Portugal, precisely with the experience of a Constituent and Legislative General Assembly in 1823. From the analysis of parliamentary speeches of Brazilian founding fathers, offers a historical survey of the (in)definition of the constitutional order and its stabilization as well as on the selection of content that should be part of the constitution , inundated the fields of expertise of the participants and constituents horizons of expectations of the nation-state in pregnancy. The main primary sources used in the research were the Daily Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1823 and the Cortes of Lisbon of 1821/1822, legal instruments in Brazil and Portugal edited in the period studied, and some periodicals of the time, as the Correio Braziliense, the Diário Constitucional, the Revérbero Constitucional Fluminense and others. In addition , secondary sources illuminated the history of concepts used, as the notion of constitution and constitutionalism, which led to indiscriminate use genuine dispute senses as true artifacts for achieving well-defined ideological positions. In this environment permeated with uncertainty and antagonistic interests , the self-attribution of legislative powers by the Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1823, as well as the inclusion in the project of constitution, as never before in the recent history of modern constitutionalism, an article that limb the reform of certain rules contained in the Constitution, held later in the Constitutional Charter granted by D. Pedro I in 1824, in the form of Article 178, emerged as another possibility of understanding towards the constitution.

Orientador: Celia Maria Marinho de Azevedo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-21T01:50:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_AnaRosaClocletda_M.pdf: 6437254 bytes, checksum: 6b030e72aa7294792cb6887f9e0a12dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 1996 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Mestrado / Mestre em História

La théorie de la valeur-travail élaborée par l'économiste anglais David Ricardo (1772-1823) a rapidement été mise à profit par les théoriciens socialistes afin de démontrer l'iniquité du salariat et pour donner une base à un système socialiste de production et d'échange ; Karl Marx (1818-1883) l'a subséquemment développée à titre d'explication de l'ensemble du processus de la production capitaliste, il en a fait le principe de la lutte des classes. Rédigée dans une perspective contextualiste, cette thèse vise donc à démontrer minutieusement, par la théorie et par l'histoire à la fois, que Marx emploie intentionnellement la théorie économique ricardienne dans le Capital afin de convaincre son premier public, principalement composé des membres de l'école historique d'économie politique allemande (« Historische Schule der Nationalökonomie »), de l'antagonisme nécessaire des intérêts de classes. Mais cette thèse vise également à démontrer l'insuffisance fondamentale de l'interprétation hégélienne du Capital. Cette interprétation présente non seulement des difficultés exégétiques rédhibitoires, mais elle nuit malheureusement à la bonne compréhension des textes de Marx et de Hegel. Marx pense la lutte des classes en termes ricardiens et non pas en termes hégéliens. Et contrairement à ce l'on a d'abord proclamé au début du XXe siècle, la compréhension du Capital n'exige pas la compréhension de la philosophie de Hegel. En renouant dans cette thèse avec l'interprétation ricardienne du Capital, nous renouons avec la seule interprétation que Marx a lui-même publiquement et officiellement entérinée de son ouvrage — un fait historique avéré que la majorité des interprètes du Capital persiste encore aujourd'hui à ignorer. En soi, l'interprétation ricardienne du Capital n'est donc ni originale ni nouvelle. Elle ne possède pas non plus de panache philosophique. En revanche, elle a été corroborée par Marx, ce qui constitue un moyen sûr de réfuter ou d'écarter définitivement certaines interprétations que l'on a parfois données du Capital au cours du XXe siècle, a fortiori son interprétation hégélienne, et de contribuer par là à l'avancement des études marxiennes. En plus de rappeler, de revaloriser et de revendiquer l'héritage ricardien de Marx à l'aide d'un luxe inédit de précisions théoriques et historiques, cette thèse propose enfin de réinsérer la pensée économique et politique de Hegel dans la tradition caméraliste allemande (« Kameralwissenschaften »), une tradition intellectuelle à laquelle les interprètes hégéliens du Capital ont arraché Hegel afin de téléologiquement faire de lui le précurseur de Marx.

The decade of the 1850s saw the Texas press separate into two opposing groups on the issue of filibustering. The basis for this division was the personal beliefs of the editors regarding the role filibustering should have in society. Although a lust for wealth drove most filibusters, the press justified territorial expansion along altruistic lines. By 1858, however, a few newspapers discarded this argument and condemned filibusters as lawless bands of ruffians plundering peaceful neighbors. Throughout the decade, the papers gradually drifted from a consensus in 1850 to discord by the date of William Walker's third attempt on Nicaragua in 1858.