This thesis is principally concerned with George Chrystal's life and his work, mainly in three directions viz., as an experimentalist, a mathematician, and an educationist. The main object is to bring to light the work of a personality who is representative of many more who are always forgotten. The majority of historians of science consider the works of the giants in science, ignoring totally the contributions made by the less prominent people like Prof. George Chrystal. In fact their contributions serve as one of the most important factors in propagation of scientific knowledge. His main contributions: verification of Ohm's Law experimentally; Non-Euclidean geometry; differential equations; text books on algebra; theory of seiches; institution of leaving certificate examination in Scottish education and many more have been discussed in detail. A survey of Chrystal's general thought is given in so far as it may be gathered from his scattered remarks. The references are mentioned by numerals in the superscript, details of which are given at the end of each chapter. The main text consists of six chapters. There are three appendices at the end,' Appendix 'A' consists of his correspondence with different scientists, most of which is still unpublished. Appendix 'B' contains a bibliography of his contributions in chronological order, and Appendix 'C contains his three Promoter's addresses. Tables and figures are attached at their proper places, including some rarely available photographs.

viii, 122 p. / This thesis examines the intersection of republicanism and imperialism in the early nineteenth-century Americas. I focus primarily on Joel Roberts Poinsett, a United States ambassador and statesman, whose career provides a lens into the tensions inherent in a yeoman republic reliant on territorial expansion, yet predicated on the inclusive principles of liberty and virtue. During his diplomatic service in Chile in the 1810s and Mexico in the 1820s, I argue that Poinsett distinguished the character of the United States from that of European empires by actively fostering republican culture and institutions, while also pursuing an increasingly aggressive program of national self-interest. The imperial nature of Poinsett's ideology became pronounced as he pursued the annexation of Texas and the removal of the Cherokee Indians, requiring him to construct an exclusionary and racialized understanding of American republicanism. / Adviser: Carlos Aguirre

Orientador: Ligia Maria Osorio Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-27T19:12:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernandes_SuzanaCristina_M.pdf: 5707014 bytes, checksum: 31cab19cd58dc7b87d102c58496e3186 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001 / Resumo: A proposta deste trabalho é recuperar e sistematizar as manifestações do pensamento industrialista brasileiro no final do Império e na primeira década republicana, através do intelectual e político Amaro Cavalcanti. A escolha de Amaro Cavalcanti como nosso objeto de estudo, se justifica porque ele é considerado pela historiografia, um dos grandes representantes do pensamento industrialista do período. Ao longo de sua carreira política não poupou esforços para defender a industrialização brasileira, lutando contra os inúmeros obstáculos impostos por forças que se opunham a ela e participando de intensos debates no Congresso Nacional, que acirraram as disputas entre protecionistas e livrecambistas. Nosso intuito é conhecer, através de uma leitura crítica, como se processou esta luta de Amaro Cavalcanti em prol da industrialização do Brasil, suas idéias, suas reivindicações e seus argumentos relacionados à defesa da indústria nacional. Com isso pretendemos não apenas resgatar o pensamento de um ilustre representante da história da industrialização do Brasil, um tanto esquecido, mas também mostrar a importante participação de homens como Amaro Cavalcanti nos debates sobre a industrialização brasileira / Mestrado / Mestre em História Econômica

No description available.

Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2012

Charles Thomas Connolly Fitzpatrick had a spectacularly successful public career. A lawyer by profession, he represented the County of Quebec in the Quebec Legislature from 1890 to 1896. He represented the same constituency in the federal Parliament from 1896 to 1906 serving as Solicitor General and then as Minister of Justice in the Laurier administration. His political success paved the way for further eminence. On his retirement as Minister of Justice in 1906 he became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. He received a knighthood in 1907, was made a member of the Imperial Privy Council in 1908 and served as Lieutenant Governor of Quebec from 1918 until 1923. For a period of almost forty years, from the time when he first came to public prominence as the defender of Louis Riel in 1885 until his retirement as Lieutenant-Governor of Quebec in 1923, Charles Fitzpatrick was close to the centre of power in Canada and, at times, wielded not inconsiderable influence and authority himself. Yet, despite his sixteen years in politics, despite his association with Honoré Mercier, his friendship with Wilfrid Laurier and his connections with the Borden Government as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Charles Fitzpatrick is not a well-known Canadian politician. In studies of the period he is always rather a peripheral figure. Even in his own day he did not attract a great deal of newspaper attention. To a large extent this is due to the personality and character of Charles Fitzpatrick himself. Charles Fitzpatrick was a careerist. Whilst he was interested in political principle and political policy his main efforts were directed towards securing his own advancement and he found it wiser to avoid public controversy. Although a Liberal for most of his life Charles Fitzpatrick was never an ardent partisan. Always publicly urbane and charming, he guarded his independence carefully and, in general, avoided too public a commitment on any issue which might damage his public career. He evaded, as far as possible, the fanaticisms of party principle and showed a remarkable ability to negotiate through the intricacies of racial and religious factionalism. A career of such obvious worldly success in Canadian politics is of Interest to the historian, not only because of the involvement with major national issues and prominent personalities of the day, but also as a study ln the art of political manipulation and political survival of which Charles Fitzpatrick was an extremely skilled practitioner. The last two decades of the nineteenth century, the period in which Fitzpatrick began his political career, were a time of increased racial and religious tension. The trial and execution of Louis Riel; the rise of aggressive Anglo Saxon-Protestantism as typified by the Equal Rights Assocation and the more pernicious Protestant Protective Association; the intensification of French-Canadian nationalism as exemplified by the government of Honoré Mercier; the suppression of Catholic and French rights in Manitoba; all served to increase suspicion and hostility between English and French, Catholic and Protestant, in Canada. In the absence of any over-riding sense of Canadian nationality, all the various racial and religious groups in Canada tended to emphasize their own uniqueness and be wary of outsiders. Charles Fitzpatrick was neither an Anglo-Saxon Protestant nor a French-Canadian Catholic but an Irish Catholic, born in the Quebec village of Ste. Foy close to Quebec City. In Quebec the main political power was in the hands of the French-Canadian majority, whilst the powerful Anglo-Scottish financial élite exercised considerable economic influence. The Irish Catholics were a recognizable cultural entity, largely the descendants of the immigrants who came in great waves to North America in the middle years of the century. Their political influence was mainly confined to certain constituencies which were regarded, particularly by the Irish themselves, as Irish Roman Catholic preserves. Irish Catholic politicians were expected to represent Irish Catholic interests. Charles Fitzpatrick, however, by a fortuitous combination of circumstances, family background, education and social contacts and, no less, by his own ability and talent, not only managed to escape the stereotype of the Irish Catholic politician but, for sixteen years, never defeated, he represented a constituency which was largely French-Canadian at a time of increased French-Canadian nationalism. This study will examine the early career of Charles Fitzpatrick from the trial of Louis Riel to the early days of his experiences as a federal politician when his diplomatic skill, legal ability and extraordinary sensitivity to the delicacy of racial and religious issues paid handsome dividends during the controversy over the Manitoba School settlement and laid the groundwork for his impressive public success. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2012

Ein Volltext für den Gesamtband liegt nicht vor. Nur die mit diesem Datensatz verknüpften Beiträge wurden auf Qucosa als Open Access-Veröffentlichung publiziert.

Mémoire de maîtrise utilisant les archives trouvées aux Archives Nationales de France ( AN section Paris), aux archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères de France (AMAE) et celles du fond d'archives Colonna Walewski (ACW). / Le Second Empire français est une période de grands changements sur la scène internationale. Profitant des diverses crises politiques de nature nationale secouant l’Europe et l’Amérique, Napoléon III entend profiter de ces dernières pour favoriser l’expansion de l’influence française dans des régions appelées à devenir névralgiques pour les intérêts impériaux. Érigée en moyen de puissance, la politique des nationalités est un discours politique flou, théorique et adapté aux besoins du moment par le régime du Prince-Président. Son principal objectif vise l’installation de régimes césaro-démocratiques alliés à la France. Ces derniers peuvent être implantés par divers moyens : la guerre, par des échanges de territoires entre souverains ou par une méthode politique novatrice, l’appel au peuple comme source de légitimité. Ce qui est inusité avec la politique des nationalités, c’est le recours systématique à une «volonté» populaire. Quelle se manifeste par des élections contrôlées ou par une assemblée de notables bien sélectionnés, il y a ce souci d’apparaître légitime auprès des différentes populations. En utilisant des sources primaires et de nombreuses recherches historiques et politiques, le présent mémoire étudie les divers mécanismes qui régissent la politique des nationalités de Napoléon III. Il sera question d’analyser la dynamique de la politique des nationalités et de la façon dont cette dernière permet l’accroissement de l’influence française en Italie, en Allemagne, au Mexique et finalement dans la Syrie ottomane. / The Second French Empire was a period of great change on the international scene in Europe and America. Using the diverse national crises that were shaking the European and American balance of power, Napoleon III intended to use these crises in order to favour French influence in regions where her interests were starting to become vital for worldwide supremacy. Put forward as a means of power, the policy of nationalities is an abstract political idea that creates a political discourse which favors imperial projects around the world. The objective of the policy of nationalities aims at the installation of monarchies allied to France which can be installed in various ways, through war, territorial exchanges or by a new method, popular referenda. However, all of these regimes were installed in the name of nationality. Yet what is innovative in the policy of nationalities, is the systematic recourse to the will of the people as a means to legitimize France’s territorial expansion. This manifested itself in a controlled election or by an assembly of well chosen notables. There was always a need to appear lawful in the eyes of the foreign populations. Using primary sources and a variety of historical studies, this research’s aim is to analyze the methods used by Napoleon III to promote France’s policy of nationalities. We will study the dynamic of this policy and the way the national argument was used during political crises in Italy, Germany, Mexico and the ottoman province of Syria.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 384-399)

Le Second Empire français est une période de grands changements sur la scène internationale. Profitant des diverses crises politiques de nature nationale secouant l’Europe et l’Amérique, Napoléon III entend profiter de ces dernières pour favoriser l’expansion de l’influence française dans des régions appelées à devenir névralgiques pour les intérêts impériaux. Érigée en moyen de puissance, la politique des nationalités est un discours politique flou, théorique et adapté aux besoins du moment par le régime du Prince-Président. Son principal objectif vise l’installation de régimes césaro-démocratiques alliés à la France. Ces derniers peuvent être implantés par divers moyens : la guerre, par des échanges de territoires entre souverains ou par une méthode politique novatrice, l’appel au peuple comme source de légitimité. Ce qui est inusité avec la politique des nationalités, c’est le recours systématique à une «volonté» populaire. Quelle se manifeste par des élections contrôlées ou par une assemblée de notables bien sélectionnés, il y a ce souci d’apparaître légitime auprès des différentes populations. En utilisant des sources primaires et de nombreuses recherches historiques et politiques, le présent mémoire étudie les divers mécanismes qui régissent la politique des nationalités de Napoléon III. Il sera question d’analyser la dynamique de la politique des nationalités et de la façon dont cette dernière permet l’accroissement de l’influence française en Italie, en Allemagne, au Mexique et finalement dans la Syrie ottomane. / The Second French Empire was a period of great change on the international scene in Europe and America. Using the diverse national crises that were shaking the European and American balance of power, Napoleon III intended to use these crises in order to favour French influence in regions where her interests were starting to become vital for worldwide supremacy. Put forward as a means of power, the policy of nationalities is an abstract political idea that creates a political discourse which favors imperial projects around the world. The objective of the policy of nationalities aims at the installation of monarchies allied to France which can be installed in various ways, through war, territorial exchanges or by a new method, popular referenda. However, all of these regimes were installed in the name of nationality. Yet what is innovative in the policy of nationalities, is the systematic recourse to the will of the people as a means to legitimize France’s territorial expansion. This manifested itself in a controlled election or by an assembly of well chosen notables. There was always a need to appear lawful in the eyes of the foreign populations. Using primary sources and a variety of historical studies, this research’s aim is to analyze the methods used by Napoleon III to promote France’s policy of nationalities. We will study the dynamic of this policy and the way the national argument was used during political crises in Italy, Germany, Mexico and the ottoman province of Syria. / Mémoire de maîtrise utilisant les archives trouvées aux Archives Nationales de France ( AN section Paris), aux archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères de France (AMAE) et celles du fond d'archives Colonna Walewski (ACW).