The thesis is two-fold. First, that Nietzsche's early writings owe more to Schiller than he subsequently wished to admit. This is demonstrated by evidence from Die Geburt der Tragödie and the Nachlass notes of the same period. Second, that there are tangible parallels of content and intent between Schiller's Ästhetische Briefe and Nietzsche's Die Geburt der Tragödie. The thesis is not an 'influence study', although the issue is addressed. By examining his hitherto neglected attitude to Schiller, this study sheds light on Nietzsche's tactics when dealing with men and their ideas in his writings. This, however, is not the main point of the thesis, which is to analyse the connections between the two texts. The essential point of comparison is that Die Geburt der Tragödie and the Ästhetische Briefe both set out aesthetic prescriptions for a diseased culture. Certain kinds of art are deemed capable, by virtue of their timeless and incorruptible properties, of reforming the human psyche, and by extension of promoting cultural integrity and vitality. After analysing Nietzsche's attitude to Schiller, particularly in connection with the argument of Die Geburt der Tragödie, the thesis compares the strategies adopted in the two texts: both present triadic schemes of historical development, in which the Greek experience is regarded as crucial; their aesthetic 'reform programmes' are predicated on psycho-metaphysical pictures of human nature; and both texts reject attempts to cure human ills by political means. The thesis is an attempt to articulate, compare, and criticise the respective projects and to see in what sense(s) they were untimely. Both projects were untimely, in the sense that they were deliberately out of step with their times. In each case, the alleged remedial properties of art themselves are characterised as untimely. They are borrowed from another time, or are said to be out of time altogether. The thesis concludes that the two texts, although outstanding contributions to aesthetic theory, were inappropriate (untimely) attempts to tackle larger problems.

The institution of farm service was mainly a West-European phenomenon. It was linked to the high age at marriage and it was an important system for the distribution of labour in agriculture. In Sweden, the use of farm servants in peasant agriculture intensified in the 18th century and remained important up till the advent of industrialization. The growth of a class of property-less, rural labourers did not undermine the system of farm service, as is sometimes claimed. Patriarchalism was an ideology intimately connected with farm service. During the 18th century, however, patriarchalism was not the common frame of reference among the upper classes when discussing state policy towards serv­ants. Patriarchalism did not become an important ideology until the beginning of the 19th century. It was inspired by the liberal critique of the old, mercantilist attitude towards labour. At the grass-root level, farm servants showed a culturally defined hostility towards wage labour. They tried to exchange wages in money for different kinds of rights and liberties, which might have served the purpose of disguising the employer-employee relationship to the peasant masters. An egalitarian ideology, typical of especially northern Sweden's peasantry, might have strengthened this hostility to being wage earners instead of having independent ways of making a living. / digitalisering@umu

This thesie is the first biography of Samuel Wyatt to be written. It attempts to establish the range and importance of his activity as an architect and engineer by using contemporary documentary sources and the evidence of his surviving buildings. In the past, Samuel Wyatt's reputation has been overshadowed by that of his more prolific and famous younger brother James. A whole chapter, therefore, is devoted to their relationship in order to establish the differences in their architectural interests and style. James and Samuel Wyatt were closely associated at the beginning of their careers up to 1774. After that date they were almost entirely independent of each other. Samuel Wyatt's work has been seen by many as a pale reflection of his brother's, and his achievement has thus been undervalued. Samuel was however an important architect in his own right. He was an interesting neo-classical designer with a refined decorative style. He was also an original planner. Many of his contemporaries thought highly of him. They were struck by two aspects of his architecture, its 'elegant simplicity' and its 'ingeniousness'. These are indeed the two dominant characteristics of his work. The ' ingeniousness' is expressed in his use of new materials and constructional techniques, and in his engineering projects. 'Elegant simplicity' perfectly sums up hie austerely refined decorative style. The way in which his work combines engineering and the most elegant neo-classicism is typical of the period. Wyatt's architecture is the exact equivalent of Wedgwood's pottery and Boulton's metal-ware. Several of Samel Wyatt's buildings have previously been attributed mistakenly to James Wyatt. It was essential, therefore, to establish which works were definitely Samuel's. The resulting list, with the sources for each attribution, is included as an appendix. Although hi a architectural output did not rival that of James Wyatt or Robert Adam, it was nonetheless substantial, surpassing that of such contemporaries as Henry Holland and equalling that of the younger George Dance. In addition to the catalogue, many photographs have been assembled to illustrate the range and quality of his work as fully as possible. Various chapters deal with his more important types of buildings. The longest of these describes his country houses, which formed the largest part of his architectural practice. They differ considerably from those of James Wyatt, being more restrained and consistent in scale and style. The majority are Greco-Roman, of moderate size. There are no fully-fledged gothick mansions by him. He only used the style when he had no option as, for instance, at Panshanger and Penrhyn. His few gothick works are vapid and of no interest. On the other hand, his classical country houses are of high quality and some originality. He evolved two personal types of house. One of these was his own version of the Anglo-Palladian villa with a main facade composed of a central domed bow flanked by overarched tripartite windows. The other, which can be called his 'belvedere house', has a main facade flanked by two domed bows. It was designed to take advantage of the prospect as is particularly obvious at Belmont (Kent) where each bow has a little glazed gazebo on top of the dome. Domed bows are the most distinctive single feature of Wyatt's houses. He was obsessed by then and used them on all possible occasions. The interiors of his houses are distinguished for their refined decoration and their novel plans. His decoration was amongst the most elegant of the period. It was even more attenuated and refined than that of Robert Adam and James Wyatt, although derived from the same sources and executed by the same craftsmen. The most important feature of his houses were their plans. Some of them show a great preoccupation with geometry culminating in that for Sundridge Park (Kent) where rooms of all shapes are packed round a circular staircase hall within a pre-existing shell. His plans also display a trend towards greater freedom and fluidity. This is expressed in asymmetrical office iwings and orangeries and the random siting of bow windows on side elevations. After his country houses the most important of Wyatt's buildings were those he designed for public clients including Trinity House in London and the Commissioner's House in the Royal Dockyard at Portsmouth. Another long chapter is therefore devoted to his public employment and works. The ingenious- ness as well as the elegance of his style is particularly apparent in this field, for it includes several of his engineering works suh as the designs for Ramsgate Harbour and for lighthouses. Lighthouses were one of Wyatt's special interests, and he designed four completely new ones, thoroughily remodelled a fifth, and repaired and altered several others. Wyatt was a reliable and competent civil engineer but not a great original like Smeaton or Rennie, his predecessor and successor at Ramsgate. The description of Wyatt's public career also reinforces the picture of an independence from James Wyatt. The latter was surveyor-general, and it might have been expected that his brother's public employment owed something to his influence. This was not the case. All Samuel Wyatt's important public employments were received before James became surveyor-general. Samuel received only one public carpentry contract directly from James Wyatt. An important and unusual aspect of Samuel Wyatt's architectural activity was the designing of subsidiary estate buildings. The design of late eighteenth century farm-buildings has not been explored hitherto. A whole chapter is devoted therefore to this aspect of Wyatt's career. It may be thought eccentric to deal at length with farm-buildings while ignoring Wyatt's London houses. Although he executed much work in London, most of it was not exceptional by contemporary standards. Wyatt made no novel contribution to town house plans. Most of his work in London consisted of alterations to existing buildings and expensive redecoration. Much of it has been destroyed without record. Mention in the appendix together with photographs of the best surviving decoration at Lichfield House seemed to be adequate treatment. On the other hand, his farm-buildings are of considerable architectural and historic interest. He worked for many of the foremost agricultural improvers of the time, including the celebrated 'Coke of Norfolk'. His farms therefore perfectly reflect the great development in agriculture in late eighteenth century England. Some of them are neo-classical designs of considerable originality. They manifest that preoccupation with geometry that is also found in his country house plans. The rise of the Wyatt family in the late eighteenth century is interesting socially and historically. It is symptomatic of the development of agriculture and industry in the north Midlands following the great improvement in communications with London after 1750, particularly the making of canals and turnpike roads. The emergence of Samuel Wyatt as a fashionable architect is part of the same movement in art and science that produced the Lunar Society, Derby Porcelain, Wedgwood's pottery, Boulton's metal ware, and artists like Paul Sandby of Nottingham, Joseph Wright of Derby or the actor David Garrick of Birmingham. This aspect of Wyatt's career is discussed in the preliminary biographical chapter where it is shown how much the success of the Wyatts was due to the encouragement of local landowners and industrialiste such as Lord Scarsdale of Kedleston, the Bagots of Blithfield and Matthew Boulton. A further chapter is devoted entirely to Wyatt's friendship with Boulton and the works that grew out of it.

Jane Austen champions practicality and compatibility versus purely romantic or mercenary sentiment in her novels, and through narrative techniques she preserves her heroines from imprudent marriages. Austen's heroines do not fall madly in love at first sight, but rather they acquiesce to marriage through reason and discernment. She endows her heroines with qualities that make them worthy of her interference in the marriage plot: intelligent although inexperienced, possessed of realistic expectations and sensibility and reason, and, importantly, financial instability. She carefully cultivates heroes worthy of her heroines through plot twists. However, to show her dissatisfaction with the limited roles available to the 19th century woman, she denies the reader the opportunity to witness the wedding that concludes her narratives. The narrator demonstrates her approval or disapprobation by choosing what scenes to narrate and what scenes to dramatize, the latter often representative of her disapproval, her silence signifying her acceptance.

This thesis seeks to examine the increasing importance of national issues and popular consciousness in the politics of the county of Kent during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Excise and Jew Bill crises indicate that public opinion and extra-parliamentary protest were by no means dormant under the early Hanove.rians, but without effective leadership either at Westminster or in the provinces, without a coherent ideological basis, and without the encouragement of a well-oiled propaganda machine, reaction to national events tended to be unco-ordinated and short-lived. Not until after 1768, when men like Wilkes, Wyvill and John Reeves began to organise popular agitation, when Burke, Paine and Gartwright gave shape to conservative and radical ideas, and when better transport and the development of the press facilitated the easy diffusion of news and comment, did a new complexion come across the face of English affairs. Clearly defined issues also appeared on the politidal stage and quickly cultivated a high level of public debate. Between 1768 and 1783 the Middlesex election dispute and the American War focused the attention of Kent's urban freemen and landed classes on calls for parliamentary and economical reform, and ensured that the county was in the van of those who joined Yorkshire in its campaign of lobbying and petitioning. After 1784 reform was eclipsed, first by the all-embracing struggle among the partisans of Pitt and Fox, and then by the dark menace of Jacobin and Napoleonic France, but in the context of public awareness and participation, the fall of the Coalition and the Regency crisis, together with the formation of Reevite committees, corresponding societies and the Volunteers, gave these turbulent decades a lasting significance. The return to peace in 1815 brought fresh problems for Kentish gentlemen and labourers alike and acted as a spur to renewed agitation out-of-doors. When, however, ministers, and the House of Commons proved deaf to the pleas of a distressed nation, and even went so far as to violate the much acclaimed Protestant Ascendancy, constitutional change seemed the only remaining remedy and by 1832 concerted popular enthusiasm had carried the Reform Bill over every obstacle thrown in its path.

The thesis sets out to explain the presence of women writers in the book market of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In order to do so, it examines the position of women writers in Germany - in the context both of their discursive and of their social reality. The thesis investigates the ideological and material background for women's writing, by exploring the areas of gender ideology, contemporary concepts of authorship, women's reading, and the literary market. The final chapter examines women's freedom of expression in different public circumstances. The thesis argues that women's position in the business of culture in general and literature in particular is not as unpromising as has often been claimed. By investigating less well-known texts on gender roles, such as eighteenth-century journal articles, it is possible to show that the rhetoric of prohibitions, for example regarding women's reading and writing, was by no means uniform, but fragmentary and frequently contradictory. Women's own responses to the conditions under which they were working are highlighted throughout the thesis, and examined on the basis of a range of texts, including unpublished correspondence. The examination of non-literary factors, such as the expansion of the literary market and the emergence of a newly diverse reading public, enables the identification of causes other than gender as determining women's position as writers during this period. In the course of this study, numerous neglected texts are considered, which broaden our understanding of this period of literature. The creative and successful use which women writers made of the opportunities they were afforded is emphasised throughout, thereby making an important contribution to the study of women writers.

The following study is an examination of the deluded heroine in the novel between 1740 and 1820. Through close readings of fiction by Samuel Richardson, Charlotte Lennox, Frances Burney, Charlotte Smith, Ann Radcliffe and Jane Austen, and discussion of relevant works by other authors of the period, the reasons for the prevalence of this figure are considered. The thesis proposes that this choice of protagonist enabled the exploration of a number of the issues that most concerned contemporary novelists. Principal amongst these was the question of identification between reader and literary protagonist. Throughout this period authors engaged in attempts to develop and control the audience's response. The desired end was the "improvement" of readers by the experience of the situations, mistakes and trials of the text's central characters. Increasingly though, the unpredictable and fluctuating nature of the readers' reactions was recognised. The result was a conflict between "text as instruction", the moral education that authors professed to offer, and "text as fiction", the attractions of story, adventure and imagination which were ostensibly valued only as they brought readers to works intended to improve them. The connection of the latter to romance was a further source of tension. The establishment of the novel as a model for life was premised on claims to probability, but aspects of the texts remained which worked against mimetic representation. These oppositions explain the contemporary popularity of the quixotic narrative, since the quixote both enacted the "madness" of excessive imaginative involvement with literature and could also be shown learning to make a "correct" choice of genre for reading. The strategies that can be observed within the quixote novel have a wider application when they are considered alongside the patterns of imitation, influence and parody which characterise the fiction of the period. In order to examine these features, the thesis includes an analysis of two important literary dialogues: those between Richardson and Lennox, and between Radcliffe and Austen. My focus on the heroine acknowledges the significance of gender in the period's fiction. Created by both female and male authors, such figures could be either exemplary models or quixotic warnings. They nevertheless share an experience of delusion followed by enlightenment constructed in order to benefit the "reading Misses" following their adventures. Unlike much recent criticism, however, my concern is more with the author as creative artist, text as literary process and reader as imaginative participant, than with historical or sociological contexts.

The thesis is presented in five books each with a number of subdivisions or chapters. The first is composed of two chapters: chapter one deals with pan-evangelical developments from the early Evangelical revival to 1789. It examines the centripetal and centrifugal forces that served to unite but also to separate like-minded evangelicals. It briefly describee several early institutional attempts at church union, the proto-types of the great pan-evangelical organizations studied in the body of the thesis, Chapter two examines the more immediate forces between 1789 and 1795 that gave rise to the first major experiment in pan-evangelical cooperation - the London Missionary Society. It focuses on the ambivalent effects of the French Revolution on church union, initially separating evangelical Dissenters from churchmen, but later bringing them back together again. It also looks briefly at the role millennial prophecy played in drawing evangelicals closer together before the anticipated Second Coming. Book two examines the London Missionary Society in three chapters. Chapter three traces the largely abortive attempt to found an institution that was intended to unite all evangelical denominations, examining why this attempt ultimately failed. Chapter four studies inter-societal relations between the L.M.S. and other foreign missionary societies following this failure, and the continuing, though largely unsuccessful attempts to recreate a pan-evangelical union or federation in the mission world. Chapter five describes the state of internal relations within the Society itself, concluding with a brief anaysis of its fall into Congregational hands by 1818. Book three is a study of the British and Foreign Bible Society and is divided into four chapters. Chapter six examines the forces in Britain and on the Continent which led to the formation of an evangelical Bible society, showing that because of the simplicity of its objectives - the circulation of Bibles without note or comment - it could attract a much larger denominational patronage than either the L.M.S. or the Tract Society. Chapter seven demonstrates, however, that even in this simple design, the Society evoked criticism from High Church opponents who saw in it an immediate threat to the establishment. The controversy that issued from this opposition is examined in detail, together with the adverse effects that controversy had on the Society's internal cohesion, Chapter eight shows that many of the High Church accusations were based on fact, and that because of its growing size, the institution coald not always control some of its more irregular provincial auxiliaries. The sometimes arbitrary and largely ineffective way that the parent society tried to reassert its control over provincial affairs created dissident groups in Scotland and England leading to two major conflagrations - the Apocrypha and Tests Controversies - which are examined in chapter nine. Books four and five examine the Religious Tract Society and the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews, each in two chapters. Chapters nine and twelve trace the early developments of each society (the London Society being at first a branch of the L.M.S.) from the late eighteenth century through to their emergence as major pan-evangelical institutions in the first decade of the nineteenth century. We discover that until the Bible Society had been in existence four years, the Tract Society and the evangelical mission to the Jews were much like the L.M.S. in denominational composition: only after 1808 did they also comprehend all the major evangelical bodies. Chapters ten and thirteen examine the internal controversies that plagued both societies showing why the R.T.S. was able to overcome internal dissension while the London Society fell into Anglican hands after only six years. Each book describes society activities during the period examined in this thesis, and attempts to show the impact of interdenominational cooperation on the church at large. Close attention has been paid to theological, social, and political developments contemporary with the pan-evangelical impulse and the impact these in turn had on the societies studied. By a comparative analysis of the four societies, their successess and failures, the thesis hopes to make a contribution to the ecumenical dialogue today.

This thesis offers a reconsideration of Amelia Opie’s career as a novelist in the light of her developing religious allegiances over the period 1814-1825 in particular. In twentieth-century scholarship, Opie (1769-1853) was often treated primarily as the author of Adeline Mowbray (1805) and discussed in terms of that novel’s relationship with the ideas of Wollstonecraft and Godwin. Recent scholarship (Clive Jones, Roxanne Eberle, Shelley King and John B. Pierce) has begun a fuller assessment of her significance, but there is still a need for a thorough discussion of the relationship between her long journey towards the Quakers and her commitment to the novel as a moral and entertaining medium. Many scholars (Gary Kelly, Patricia Michaelson, Anne McWhir and others), following Opie’s first biographer Cecilia Lucy Brightwell (1854), have represented Opie as giving up her glittering literary career and relinquishing fiction-writing completely: this relinquishment has been linked to Quaker prohibitions of fiction as lying. My thesis shows that Quaker attitudes to fiction were more complicated, and that the relationship between Opie’s religious and literary life is, in turn, more complex than has been thought. This project brings evidence from a number of sources which have been overlooked or under-utilised, including a large, under-examined archive of Opie correspondence at the Huntington Library, Opie’s last novel Much to Blame (1824), given critical analysis here for the first time, and the republications which Opie undertook in the 1840s. These sources show that Opie never abandoned her commitment to fiction; that her move to the Quakers was a long and fraught process, but that she retained a place in the fashionable world in spite of her conversion. My Introduction gives a nuanced understanding of Quaker attitudes to fiction, and the first chapter exposes the ‘white lies’ of Opie’s first biographer, Brightwell, and their legacy. I then move on to examine Opie’s early works – Dangers of Coquetry (1790), “The Nun” (1795) and The Father and Daughter (1801) – as she flirts with radicalism in the 1790s, and Adeline Mowbray is explored through a Quaker lens in chapter 3. I juxtapose Opie’s correspondence with her Quaker mentor Joseph John Gurney and the celebrated writer William Hayley with her developing use of the moral-evangelical novel – Temper (1812), Valentine’s Eve (1816) and Madeline (1822) – as Opie was increasingly attracted to the Quakers. Chapter 5 analyses Opie’s anonymous novels – The Only Child (1821) and Much to Blame (1824) – alongside her Quaker works (especially Detraction Displayed (1828)) around the time of her official acceptance to the Quakers (1825). The final chapter investigates how Opie balanced her Quaker belonging with her ongoing commitment to fiction, exemplified in her 1840s republications, which I present in the context of her correspondence with publisher friends Josiah Fletcher and Simon Wilkin, and with Gurney. Opie’s ‘white lies’ of social negotiation reveal her difficulties in maintaining a literary career from the 1790s to the 1840s, but her concerted effort to do so in spite of such struggles provides a highly significant insight into the changing religious and literary climates of this long period.

La Révolution est un phénomène politique attaché à bouleverser en priorité l’ordre de l’exercice de puissance publique. Les acteurs de la Révolution, tout comme leurs adversaires, comprennent rapidement que le destin de la société et celui de la Révolution sont étroitement liés à la transformation radicale du droit privé. La première résistance à l’individualisme juridique est venue des défenseurs de l’ordre traditionnel, parmi ces députés désignés par leurs adversaires sous les noms de « parti aristocrate », avant que les grandes figures de la Contre-Révolution telles que Louis de Bonald ou Joseph de Maistre poursuivent, par d’importantes publications, le combat idéologique. Sous le Consulat, le Code civil de 1804 est au cœur des enjeux soulevés par le mouvement de contestation de l’individualisme juridique. Code de « transaction » selon le mot de Portalis, il fait droit à nombre d’aspirations anti-individualistes, sous l’influence des quatre membres de la commission de rédaction. Pourtant, il n’en ménage pas moins des concessions à la législation révolutionnaire, ce qui continue de nourrir une opposition contre-révolutionnaire. La Restauration de la monarchie permet de poursuivre cette genèse du courant anti-individualiste, puisque les débats concernant le droit privé sont nombreux, notamment en matière familiale. La puissance paternelle, l’abrogation du divorce, les successions et les majorats, ainsi que le projet de remettre la religion au centre de la société, sont une préoccupation majeure pour les ultraroyalistes qui désirent « renouer la chaîne des temps ». Le parti ultraroyaliste, d’abord hostile à la Charte de 1814, use habilement des Chambres pour promouvoir une réaction cette fois intégrale contre l’individualisme juridique de la Révolution. / The French Revolution of 1789 is a political phenomenon focused on upsetting the order of priority in the exercise of public powers. The actors of the Revolution and their opponents alike were quick to understand that the destiny of society and that of the Revolution were closely linked to the radical transformation of private law. Resistance to legal individualism first came from defenders of traditional order, among those members referred to by their opponents as the “aristocratic party”, before such great figures of the Counter-Revolution as Louis de Bonald and Joseph de Maistre continued the ideological combat threw major writings. Under the Consulat, the French Civil Code of 1804 was at the heart of the issues raised by the movement against legal individualism. As a Code of “Transaction”, as Portalis put it, it acceded to many anti-individualistic aspirations, under the influence of the four members of the drafting committee. Yet the fact remains that the Code allowed for concessions to revolutionary legislation, which continued to fuel opposition to the Revolution. The Restoration of the monarchy made it possible to amplify the scope of the anti-individualistic movement, as there were a lot of discussions on private law, especially on the subject of the family. Paternal power, abrogation of divorce, inheritance and primogeniture were major concerns for the ultra-royalists party, who was also planning to make religion central to society again, in an attempt to “reconnect with the chain of times”. The ultra-royalist party, initially hostile to the Charter of 1814, skillfully used the parliamentary Chambers to promote a full reaction against the Revolution’s legal individualism.