En 1945, la période de la Libération devait également être un moment de rénovation pour le droit constitutionnel. Au moment même où la France se dotait d’une nouvelle Constitution, une nouvelle génération de constitutionnalistes accède au devant de la scène. A la génération des « disciples », qui elle-même avait succédé à la génération des fondateurs, succède celle que Marcel Prélot avait baptisée la « troisième génération de constitutionnalistes » et qui devait être la génération des « novateurs ». La rénovation du droit constitutionnel s’avéra toutefois un programme difficile à mettre en œuvre. La IVe République, malgré l’adoption d’une Constitution nouvelle, est rapidement revenue aux pratiques et usages de la IIIe République antérieure, décevant ainsi les espoirs de la doctrine constitutionnelle et les tentatives de façonner un droit constitutionnel propre au nouveau régime. Constatant l’échec du droit constitutionnel à encadrer la vie parlementaire, les constitutionnalistes ont alors délaissé le terrain de la technique constitutionnelle et se sont tournés vers la science politique afin de refonder leur discipline. Si cette voie politiste a permis à la « jeune école de droit public » d’aborder des champs de recherches nouveaux, tels que les partis politiques ou l’histoire des idées politiques, elle l’a toutefois détournée du terrain de la technique constitutionnelle sur lequel allait finalement se jouer la révision constitutionnelle de 1958, qui a consacré la Constitution de la Ve République. / In 1945, the Liberation era was supposed to be a time when constitutional law would be renovated. At the very moment where France was adopting a new Constitution, a new generation of constitutional law Professors emerged. From the « disciple » generation which succeeded to « the founders » generation itself, the « Third generation of constitutional law Professors », as Marcel Prélot named them, emerged. It was meant to be the « creative » generation. But renewing constitutional law was not an easy task. Notwithstanding the adoption of a new Constitution, the IVth Republic rapidly came back to the uses and habits of the IIIrd Republic. It therefore disappointed the hopes of the constitutional legal doctrine and its attempts to reshape a specific constitutional law suiting the new regime. Taking note of the failure of constitutional law to frame the parliamentary daily life, constitutional law Professors reoriented their efforts to renew their academic discipline in a way that would get closer to political sciences. This new orientation allowed the « Third generation » to tackle new fields of research, such as political parties or the history of political ideas, but diverted them from a more technical approach. However, it was on the latter that the constitutional revision of 1958 that set out the Constitution of the Vth Republic settled.

Les partages des articles 1075 et suivants du Code civil permettent à un disposant de réaliser par anticipation le partage de sa succession entre ses héritiers présomptifs. Cette faculté, durant les deux siècles qui ont suivi la codification, était réservée aux seuls ascendants au profit de leurs descendants et ce n’est que par la loi du 23 juin 2006 qu’elle a été étendue en dehors de la ligne directe descendante. Cette ouverture résulte d’une évolution progressive de cet acte, réalisée tout au long du XXe siècle pour répondre aux blocages nés des interprétations divergentesdéveloppées au cours du XIXe siècle. Le caractère hybride des partages d’ascendants qui se trouvent au confluent des successions et des libéralités est une donnée établie. Tout comme une médaille est constituée d’un avers et d’un revers, les partages d’ascendants sont constitués d’un élément répartiteur et d’un élément attributif. La réunion indissociable de ces deux éléments confère aux partages des articles 1075 et suivants leur identité. Or, pour indissociables et constitutifs qu’ils soient, les deux côtés ne sont jamais perçus simultanément. Tout l’intérêt d’une approche historique des articles 1075 et suivants consiste à mettre en lumière la façon dont la médaille s’est retournée : comment l’élément attributif s’est développé jusqu’à devenir l’avers, la face principale. / The estate distribution established by the articles 1075 s. of the civil code enables a disposer to anticipate the distribution of his inheritance between the heirs apparent. During the next two centuries which followed the codification, this ability was reserved to the only ascendants in favor of their descendants. The law of the 23rd June 2006 had the effect that it was no longer limited to the direct descending line. This opening was the result of a progressive evolution of the act, which was established all along the twentieth century in order to respond to the blockings arising from the different interpretations developed during the nineteenth century. The hybridity of the ascendants’ estate distribution, situated at the confluence of inheritance and liberalities, is an established fact. As well as a medal has an obverse and reverse side, the ascendants’ estate distribution consists of a distributive element and an attributive element. The inseparable union of these two elements gives the estate distribution established by the article 1075 s. its identity. As inseparable and constituent the obverse and reverse side might be, they are yet never perceived simultaneously, even though the reverse side is generally described by its relation with the obverse: It is the opposite of the one presented as the principal, it is the supporting side of the second listing. All the interest in a historical approach to the articles 1075 s. consist of bringing to light the way the distributive element evolved into becoming the obverse of our institution leading to a notable change of the nature of these estate distributions which nevertheless remain dual acts.

La Révolution est un phénomène politique attaché à bouleverser en priorité l’ordre de l’exercice de puissance publique. Les acteurs de la Révolution, tout comme leurs adversaires, comprennent rapidement que le destin de la société et celui de la Révolution sont étroitement liés à la transformation radicale du droit privé. La première résistance à l’individualisme juridique est venue des défenseurs de l’ordre traditionnel, parmi ces députés désignés par leurs adversaires sous les noms de « parti aristocrate », avant que les grandes figures de la Contre-Révolution telles que Louis de Bonald ou Joseph de Maistre poursuivent, par d’importantes publications, le combat idéologique. Sous le Consulat, le Code civil de 1804 est au cœur des enjeux soulevés par le mouvement de contestation de l’individualisme juridique. Code de « transaction » selon le mot de Portalis, il fait droit à nombre d’aspirations anti-individualistes, sous l’influence des quatre membres de la commission de rédaction. Pourtant, il n’en ménage pas moins des concessions à la législation révolutionnaire, ce qui continue de nourrir une opposition contre-révolutionnaire. La Restauration de la monarchie permet de poursuivre cette genèse du courant anti-individualiste, puisque les débats concernant le droit privé sont nombreux, notamment en matière familiale. La puissance paternelle, l’abrogation du divorce, les successions et les majorats, ainsi que le projet de remettre la religion au centre de la société, sont une préoccupation majeure pour les ultraroyalistes qui désirent « renouer la chaîne des temps ». Le parti ultraroyaliste, d’abord hostile à la Charte de 1814, use habilement des Chambres pour promouvoir une réaction cette fois intégrale contre l’individualisme juridique de la Révolution. / The French Revolution of 1789 is a political phenomenon focused on upsetting the order of priority in the exercise of public powers. The actors of the Revolution and their opponents alike were quick to understand that the destiny of society and that of the Revolution were closely linked to the radical transformation of private law. Resistance to legal individualism first came from defenders of traditional order, among those members referred to by their opponents as the “aristocratic party”, before such great figures of the Counter-Revolution as Louis de Bonald and Joseph de Maistre continued the ideological combat threw major writings. Under the Consulat, the French Civil Code of 1804 was at the heart of the issues raised by the movement against legal individualism. As a Code of “Transaction”, as Portalis put it, it acceded to many anti-individualistic aspirations, under the influence of the four members of the drafting committee. Yet the fact remains that the Code allowed for concessions to revolutionary legislation, which continued to fuel opposition to the Revolution. The Restoration of the monarchy made it possible to amplify the scope of the anti-individualistic movement, as there were a lot of discussions on private law, especially on the subject of the family. Paternal power, abrogation of divorce, inheritance and primogeniture were major concerns for the ultra-royalists party, who was also planning to make religion central to society again, in an attempt to “reconnect with the chain of times”. The ultra-royalist party, initially hostile to the Charter of 1814, skillfully used the parliamentary Chambers to promote a full reaction against the Revolution’s legal individualism.

The current research provides an examination of felony murder to determine the similarities and differences among jurisdictions in the nation. It provides a current analysis of jurisprudence to update the literature as to practices in the United States pertaining to the availability of felony murder and the specific elements that make up the rule. This research conducts a survey of the 50 states, the District of Columbia, and the Federal System. It provides an overview of the felony-murder rule and its availability, the degrees to which the doctrine is utilized, and the subsequent sentences allowable for defendants convicted under the theory. Current statutes are analyzed to establish what circumstances specifically constitute felony murder and the criteria required by each of the jurisdictions. Additionally, it determines to what degree jurisdictions subscribe to the felony-murder theory, which ones allow individuals to be eligible for life sentences or death sentences, and which jurisdictions allow the rule to be applied to non-triggerman offenders.

This work begins with going deep into the entitlement, into its essence. First it obliges to determine „doctrine“ – how it is understood generally. Then it is necessary to reveal doctrine in only one of its meanings – as a source of law. After getting clear definitions, which mostly are used in this work, and following the encoded order in the entitlement we proceed to research – to compare the true value of doctrine, as a source of law of civil procedure, in Lithuania and abroad.

Le droit constitutionnel français a la particularité de laisser une large place au droit administratif. Tandis que le Conseil constitutionnel s’approprie des notions, des techniques et des modes de pensée issus du droit administratif, les normes constitutionnelles font appel à des institutions et des constructions administratives. Parallèlement, le Conseil d’État dispose de compétences formellement et matériellement constitutionnelles. Les conseillers d’État sont omniprésents dans l’élaboration des textes, notamment législatifs, et effectuent un pré-contrôle de constitutionnalité. Enfin, la doctrine de droit constitutionnel, formée en droit administratif, exploite des concepts de contentieux administratif pour analyser la jurisprudence constitutionnelle. Ainsi, poser la question des bases administratives du droit constitutionnel français implique de réfléchir sur l’existence, au sein du droit constitutionnel, d’une culture administrative de la discipline. Cette dernière provient alors, à la fois de l’histoire particulière du droit public français, qui, depuis la Révolution, a nécessité une jurisprudence administrative pléthorique pour pallier la discontinuité du droit constitutionnel, et de la construction particulière de l’État et de la nation, depuis la monarchie absolue. Le droit administratif français apparaît alors, singulièrement, comme la première et principale source d’effectivité du droit constitutionnel jusqu’en 1958. Cette pérennité interroge sur la relation entre État et citoyen, entre libéralisme et démocratie, au sein d’un ordre juridique français singulier. / The distinguishing feature of the French constitutional law is the fact that it uses extensively the administrative law. The Constitutional Council acquire notions, tools and ways of thinking from administrative law, whereas constitutional rules make use of administrative institutions or constructs. Meanwhile, the Council of State has both formal and material constitutional abilities. Councillors of State are ubiquitous in rules redaction, notably about the laws, where they perform a constitutional pre-control. Finally, constitutional authors, instructed in administrative law, study the constitutional rulings with administrative litigation concepts. Thus, inquiring into the administrative foundations of constitutional law involve reflecting on the existence of an administrative culture in this field. This culture comes from the singular history of French public law, which required a strong jurisprudence to compensate the constitutional unsteadiness of the 19th century. Also, it comes from the unusual building of the State and nation since absolute monarchy. French administrative law then appears especially like the first and primary source of constitutional law effectiveness until 1958. This permanence brings up questions about the relation between State and citizen, or liberalism and democracy, in an atypical French legal order.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Renato Ferraz da Silveira.pdf: 1652261 bytes, checksum: 1f09a3145db00592751c3a62891ac56e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The tragedy of the politics is the certainty of the unexpected, the constant replacement of human energies, the effort to avoid the inevitable, the search for order and harmony, in face of the imbalance and chaos. By means of theoretical research, this study comes to the understanding about the shattering and devastating meaning of politics as tragedy, in that it´s searched, by the Hermeneutic, focus, relate, analyze William Shakespeare´s work historical time, the English king Ricardo II government, beyond the controversial theory of the kings divine right reinforced, discussed and extended by the English jurists during Queen Elizabeth govern (1558-1603). It was selected, as analysis cuttings, the conflicts, paradoxes, tensions, search for legality and legitimacy, the imminent human beings involvement in a tragic dimension in which life and death, ascent and decadence, glory and failure are inevitable and constituents phases of the political power eternal dispute . It´s believed that Shakespeare has achieved reveal the Two Bodies of the king tragedy in that piece called Ricardo II. By that reason, that medieval legal doctrine of the Shakespeare literary output cannot be separated and, if that theory has been losing its meaning in time, it still has human and concrete meaning nowadays; this, in great extent, dues to him. It is considered, in this study, that Shakespeare dominated the jargon of almost all the human position, besides the contact of this with the constitutional and legal speech of his time. Besides that, the poet conception about the king twin nature does not depend on constitutional protection only, since the piece conceives, a lot naturally, the king twin nature. In that sense, it is expected that the present study contributes for the understanding search of the Two Bodies of the king theory, that it´s constituted in a ramification of the Christian theological thought and, consequently, that piece remains like a Christian political theology landmark / A tragédia da política é a certeza do inesperado, a constante reposição de energias humanas, o esforço para evitar o inevitável, a busca da ordem e da harmonia em face do desequilíbrio e do caos. Por meio de pesquisa teórica, este estudo volta-se para o entendimento acerca do impactante e devastador significado de política como tragédia, em que buscamos, com base na Hermenêutica, enfocar, relacionar, analisar o tempo histórico da obra de William Shakespeare, o governo do rei inglês Ricardo II, além da controversa teoria do direito divino dos reis reforçada, discutida e ampliada pelos juristas ingleses durante o governo da rainha Elisabeth (1558-1603). Foram selecionados como recortes para análise os conflitos, paradoxos, tensões, busca de legalidade e legitimidade, os iminentes envolvimentos dos seres humanos, numa dimensão trágica, em que vida e morte, ascensão e decadência, glória e fracasso são etapas inevitáveis e constitutivas da eterna disputa pelo poder político. Acreditamos que Shakespeare tenha alcançado revelar a tragédia dos Dois Corpos do rei nessa peça Ricardo II. Por essa razão, não se pode separar essa doutrina jurídica medieval da produção literária de Shakespeare e, se essa teoria esvaneceu no tempo, ainda possui, hoje, significado concreto e humano; isso, em grande parte, deve-se a ele. Consideramos, neste trabalho, que Shakespeare dominava o jargão de quase todo o ofício humano, além do contato deste com a fala constitucional e jurídica de seu tempo. Além disso, a concepção do poeta sobre a natureza gêmea do rei não depende de amparo somente constitucional, uma vez que a peça concebe, muito naturalmente, a natureza geminada do rei. Nesse sentido, esperamos que o estudo em pauta contribua para a busca do entendimento da teoria dos Dois Corpos do rei, que se constitui em uma ramificação do pensamento teológico cristão e, consequentemente, essa peça permaneça como marco da teologia política cristã

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Renato Ferraz da Silveira.pdf: 1652261 bytes, checksum: 1f09a3145db00592751c3a62891ac56e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The tragedy of the politics is the certainty of the unexpected, the constant replacement of human energies, the effort to avoid the inevitable, the search for order and harmony, in face of the imbalance and chaos. By means of theoretical research, this study comes to the understanding about the shattering and devastating meaning of politics as tragedy, in that it´s searched, by the Hermeneutic, focus, relate, analyze William Shakespeare´s work historical time, the English king Ricardo II government, beyond the controversial theory of the kings divine right reinforced, discussed and extended by the English jurists during Queen Elizabeth govern (1558-1603). It was selected, as analysis cuttings, the conflicts, paradoxes, tensions, search for legality and legitimacy, the imminent human beings involvement in a tragic dimension in which life and death, ascent and decadence, glory and failure are inevitable and constituents phases of the political power eternal dispute . It´s believed that Shakespeare has achieved reveal the Two Bodies of the king tragedy in that piece called Ricardo II. By that reason, that medieval legal doctrine of the Shakespeare literary output cannot be separated and, if that theory has been losing its meaning in time, it still has human and concrete meaning nowadays; this, in great extent, dues to him. It is considered, in this study, that Shakespeare dominated the jargon of almost all the human position, besides the contact of this with the constitutional and legal speech of his time. Besides that, the poet conception about the king twin nature does not depend on constitutional protection only, since the piece conceives, a lot naturally, the king twin nature. In that sense, it is expected that the present study contributes for the understanding search of the Two Bodies of the king theory, that it´s constituted in a ramification of the Christian theological thought and, consequently, that piece remains like a Christian political theology landmark / A tragédia da política é a certeza do inesperado, a constante reposição de energias humanas, o esforço para evitar o inevitável, a busca da ordem e da harmonia em face do desequilíbrio e do caos. Por meio de pesquisa teórica, este estudo volta-se para o entendimento acerca do impactante e devastador significado de política como tragédia, em que buscamos, com base na Hermenêutica, enfocar, relacionar, analisar o tempo histórico da obra de William Shakespeare, o governo do rei inglês Ricardo II, além da controversa teoria do direito divino dos reis reforçada, discutida e ampliada pelos juristas ingleses durante o governo da rainha Elisabeth (1558-1603). Foram selecionados como recortes para análise os conflitos, paradoxos, tensões, busca de legalidade e legitimidade, os iminentes envolvimentos dos seres humanos, numa dimensão trágica, em que vida e morte, ascensão e decadência, glória e fracasso são etapas inevitáveis e constitutivas da eterna disputa pelo poder político. Acreditamos que Shakespeare tenha alcançado revelar a tragédia dos Dois Corpos do rei nessa peça Ricardo II. Por essa razão, não se pode separar essa doutrina jurídica medieval da produção literária de Shakespeare e, se essa teoria esvaneceu no tempo, ainda possui, hoje, significado concreto e humano; isso, em grande parte, deve-se a ele. Consideramos, neste trabalho, que Shakespeare dominava o jargão de quase todo o ofício humano, além do contato deste com a fala constitucional e jurídica de seu tempo. Além disso, a concepção do poeta sobre a natureza gêmea do rei não depende de amparo somente constitucional, uma vez que a peça concebe, muito naturalmente, a natureza geminada do rei. Nesse sentido, esperamos que o estudo em pauta contribua para a busca do entendimento da teoria dos Dois Corpos do rei, que se constitui em uma ramificação do pensamento teológico cristão e, consequentemente, essa peça permaneça como marco da teologia política cristã

Pionniers des études jurisprudentielles contemporaines, fondateurs des plus célèbres maisons d'éditionjuridique française, inventeurs de nouveaux genres littéraires et doctrinaux, les arrêtistes du XIXe siècledemeurent néanmoins encore largement méconnus. Au sein de leurs recueils de jurisprudence, Jean-BaptisteSirey, Désiré Dalloz et leurs nombreux collaborateurs, concurrents et successeurs, ont pourtant été des acteursà part entière d'une pensée juridique française trop souvent réduite aux seuls auteurs de la doctrine. Entrethéorie et pratique, l' « arrêtisme » contemporain a ainsi formé, de la Révolution jusqu'aux années 1870, unmouvement majeur de la littérature et de la pensée juridiques. Sur cette période, arrêtistes et commentateursde la doctrine se sont en effet âprement affrontés sur le terrain épistémique et éditorial, opposant travaux etdiscours sur la jurisprudence, et luttant pour le monopole des études jurisprudentielles. A partir des années 1880toutefois, l'arrivée massive des universitaires au sein des recueils de jurisprudence va marquer la fin del'arrêtisme des praticiens. A la Belle Epoque, les auteurs de l' « Ecole scientifique » qui entendent renouvelerl'étude et la science du droit s'emparent à leur tour activement de la jurisprudence ; présenté comme unrapprochement salvateur entre l'Ecole et le Palais, le « projet jurisprudentiel » des professeurs va toutefoiscontribuer à détacher les recueils d'arrêts de la culture praticienne dont ils étaient originellement issus. Il ressortde cette étude une relecture de l’histoire intellectuelle des recueils d’arrêts et des arrêtistes, dontl’historiographie classique en a dressé un portrait partiel, sinon partial. / Pioneers of contemporary case law studies, founders of the most famous French legal publishing companies,inventors of new literary and doctrinal genres, the arrêtistes of the nineteenth century still remain largelyunknown. In their casebooks, Jean-Baptiste Sirey, Désiré Dalloz and their many collaborators, competitors andsuccessors, were actors in their own right on the stage of French legal thinking, a stage too often reduced to theonly authors of the doctrine. Between theory and practice, the contemporary "arrêtisme" formed, from theRevolution to the 1870s, a major movement of literature and legal thought. Over this period, the arrêtistes andthe authors of legal doctrine clashed on epistemic and editorial grounds, opposing work and discourses on caselaw, and fighting for the monopoly of judicial analyses. However, from the 1880s onwards, the influx of universityprofessors in casebooks marked the end of the practitioners’ arrêtisme. During the Belle Epoque, the authors ofthe "Ecole scientifique", who intended to renew the study and science of law, took possession of case law;presented as a salutory reconciliation between the School and the Court, the professors’ "jurisprudential project"nevertheless contributed to separate case law reports from the culture of practitioners they were originallyderived from. What emerges from this study is a re-reading of the intellectual history of casebooks and arrêtistes,of which classical historiography gave a partial –if not biased -picture.

Submitted by Milena Ginjo (milena.ginjo@gmail.com) on 2016-10-21T19:44:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Milena de Mayo Ginjo.pdf: 3649372 bytes, checksum: aefb7f19954192c3ae3ac11e028fb373 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2016-10-24T10:50:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Milena de Mayo Ginjo.pdf: 3649372 bytes, checksum: aefb7f19954192c3ae3ac11e028fb373 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-24T10:53:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Milena de Mayo Ginjo.pdf: 3649372 bytes, checksum: aefb7f19954192c3ae3ac11e028fb373 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-29 / On January 22, 2012, eight thousand people were forcibly evicted from their homes as a result of judicial decison that determined the repossession of the area. This happened in a litigation started in 2004, when the company's bankrupt estate Selecta Industry and Trade S.A. proposed the repossession against the residents of Pinheirinho occupation in São José dos Campos, São Paulo. Given these facts, the main goal of this study is to focus attention on the justice system before the conflict processing. We wanted to understand how the actors of this system influence the urban space and how was the legal mobilization of Pinheirinho actors around the judicial process. How the legal instruments were articulated to resist the repressive state? Through the dogmatic reconstruction of the land conflict, through judicial proceedings instituted from the Pinheirinho foundation in 2004, we observe how the space of the judicial process is configured in a dispute arena of social movements around the meanings of rights and the roles of the Rule of Law. / Em 22 de janeiro de 2012, oito mil pessoas foram removidas forçadamente de suas casas em consequência do cumprimento de uma decisão liminar de reintegração de posse. Essa decisão foi tomada nos autos de um processo judicial iniciado em 2004, em que a Massa Falida da empresa Selecta Indústria e Comércio S.A. propôs uma ação de reintegração de posse contra os moradores da ocupação Pinheirinho, em São José dos Campos, São Paulo. Diante desses fatos, o objetivo do trabalho consiste em focar a atenção no sistema de justiça diante do processamento do conflito. Com isso, queremos compreender como os atores desse sistema influenciam na produção do espaço urbano e como se deu a mobilização jurídica dos atores do Pinheirinho em torno do processo judicial. De que maneira os instrumentos jurídicos foram articulados para resistir ao aparelho repressivo do Estado? Para isso, através da reconstrução dogmática do conflito fundiário, por meio dos procedimentos judiciais instaurados a partir da fundação do Pinheirinho em 2004, observamos como o espaço do processo judicial se configura em arena de disputa do movimento social em torno dos significados do direitos e dos papeis do Estado Democrático de Direito.