Thèse 3e cycle--Histoire--Montpellier III, 1985. / Bibliogr. p. 357-362.

Th. 3e cycle--Histoire--Montpellier 3, 1985. / Bibliogr. p. 355-360.

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2006. / Title from title page screen (viewed on June 12, 2006). Thesis advisor: G. Kurt Piehler. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Cette recherche propose d’analyser l’exposition Pittura francese d’oggi inaugurée à la galleria nazionale d’Arte moderna de Rome le 12 octobre 1946. Cette exposition, organisée par les services de l’A.F.A.A (association française d’action artistique) et de la D.G.R.C. (direction générale des relations culturelles) du ministère des Affaires étrangères présente au public italien pour la première fois depuis la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, des œuvres de jeunes peintres français contemporains.Les documents d’archive ont permis de déterminer que l’exposition italienne est en fait une version corrigée et modifiée d’une précédente exposition qui s’est tenue à Berne en mars 1946 et intitulée « Ecole de Paris ». Après de nombreuses négociations avec l’ambassade d’Autriche, au lieu de se rendre à Vienne, l’exposition est finalement présentée à Prague l’été 1946.Son transfert en Italie a été possible grâce à un climat culturel favorable envers la France qui incitera les organisateurs à la transférer dans six villes italiennes : Venise, où elle est présentée en avant-première, Rome où elle est inaugurée officiellement, puis Naples, Florence, Milan et Turin où elle ferme définitivement en janvier 1947.La seconde partie de cette thèse propose la reconstruction du catalogue et la reproduction de la centaine d’ œuvres présente à cette exposition. / This thesis aims to analyze the exhibition " Pittura francese d’oggi " opened at the " Modern Art Gallery " in Rome October 12, 1946. This exhibition, organized by the services of the ' " AFAA " and " D.G.R.C. " the French Ministry of Public Affairs , submits to the Italian public, for the first time after the end of the World War, works of contemporary young French painters. Archival documents have identified that the Italian exhibition is actually a revised and corrected version of a previous exhibition held in Bern in March 1946, entitled " Ecole de Paris " . After numerous negotiations with the Embassy of Austria, instead of moving to Vienna , the exhibition was presented in Prague last summer 1946. Its transfer to Italy, due to a favorable cultural climate with France , urged the organizers to show it in six Italian cities. First of all, as a preview, in Venice ; in Rome where he officially opened , and then Naples Florence, Milan and Turin, where finally closed in January 1947.the second part of the thesis consists in the reconstruction of the catalog, with the reproduction of the works in this exhibition.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 000047230.pdf: 6746244 bytes, checksum: 7aa276ba057bf9b09ea60f67a181527a (MD5) Previous issue date: 1986 / This research intends to contribute to' the ana1ysis of the brazi1ian rea1ity through Espirito Santols case, comprehending the period Df 1946 to 1980, trying to demonstrate the fi[lancia1 dependency Df the state governments ref1ected on the 10ss of their own income and the.necessary autonomy for'its use. In a retrospecti ve v i e I': i t has been observed an excessi ve tendency to centra1ization shown by the brazilian federa1ism main1y after the 1967 tax reform wich estab1ished·a strict control of the Union on the tax incomes and action of the states, reducing its autonomy on tax legislation. FinanciaI and political centralization caused the loss of the previously acquired privileges bj' the state governments as well as the limitation of the autonomy in terms of fiscal politics. There was an attempt.to compensate an outstanding reduci:.ion of the state tax incomes by establishing the transfers mechanism whlch despi te their redistributive functions imposes a series Df requirements' and determinations for its application. From this assertion on the fiscal po1itics starts to be analised in Espirito Santo State observing the state administration during this período We come to a conclusion that the constant financiaI crisis that occurred limi ted the creation of a s tate fiscal poli tics. With this, we kno\\l th2t the states became mere adminis'crati ve agents just reproducing the major decisions ma de by the federal government. GeneralJ.y speaking, thcre \'.ias an attempt to prove the fin3flciaJ. deper:d8flcy anaJ.ysis of the basis and the resources Df the allocation. It was observed that the economical basis did not permit the enlargement of the income taxes demonstrating a, high dependency of intergovernmental transfers and waiting for the enlargement of indebtment to serve the investment decisions. AlI this reflected on the expansion limitation of the public expenses. A high- credi t dependency did not permi t the search af investments requested by the state development politics. Thedimension of the phenomenon was evaluated by the process of the resources allocation through th~ neoclassic and Marxist vision. lt is worth outstanding that the neoclassic vision revealed a conduction of the expenses to attend the public welfares, the investments, the social welfares and the ones relatedto the health and . education. But it was the analisys of the Maixist vision that made it possible to reveal the concentrati6n of the resources for the arran~1ement of the joint stock in damage of the ones related to the joint expenses of the production. P,nother important consequence of the financiaI dependency was the aggravation of state government's fiscal crisis. For this, there was the contribution of the pressures in favor af higher expenses which made easier the process of stock accumulation and in Espirito Santo's case also the ones manifested with the implantation of great projects. This monography intends to contribute to the coming deeper studies to éxplain the state government's financiaI dependency. / o estudo pretende contribuir para a análise da realidade brasileira, através do caso do Estado do Espírito Santo, no período compreendido entre 1946 a 1980, tentando demonstrar a dependência financeira dos governos estaduais refletida na perda de receitas próprias e da necessária autonomia para a sua utilização. Numa visão retrospect.iva observa-se uma excessiva tendência à centralização manifestada pelo federalismo brasileiro, principalmente, depois da Reforma Tribut.ária de 1967, que estabeleceu um rigoroso controle da União sobre as receitas tributárias e sobre a ação dos Estados- membros, reduzindo sua autonomia em matéria de legislação tributária. A centralização financeira e política fez com que os governos estaduais perdessem 8S prerrogativasanteriorrnente adquiridas e tivessem limitada sua autonomia em;matéria de politica fiscal. Tentou-se compensar a acentuada redução das receitas tributárias estaduais lnstituindo- se o mecanismo das transferências que, a despeito de suas funç5es redIstributi vas, impõe uma série de exig§ncias e determinações para a sua aplicação. A partir dessa constataç50 passa-se a analisar a política fiscal no Estado do Espírito Santo observando-se as administrações estaduais nesse período. Cheg~-se à conclusão de que as sucessivas crises financeiras ocorridas limitaram a formulação de uma política fiscal estadual. Com isso, constat3-se que os estados passaram a ser rneros agentes administrativos reproduzindo as decis5es maiores formuladas pelo governo federal. Em linhas gerais, tentou-se comprovar a dependência fi

This thesis consists of a set of interrelated essays that illustrate the persistence of the Conservative party in Colombia in the early twentieth century. No particular landmarks or turning-points can be identified in recent Colombian history. The dates 1930 and 1953 are, therefore, in part, dates of convenience: but they carry some, if limited, significance. In 1930 the Conservative party was ousted from office after over forty years of office, and was replaced by a coalition government with a Liberal president. In 1953 a Conservative government was again removed from power: on this occasion by a military government with an initially Conservative complexion. The period chosen makes possible the study of the Conservative party in contrasting postures: in opposition, in power and in coalition with Liberals. Because the period of study is no more clearly defined than this references outside it have been made freely The work has been organized in the following manner: Chapter One performs a double function. It contains both a general narrative of political events at a national level and an examination of mutations in the relationships between and within the elites of the two parties: Conservative and Liberal. An extensive treatment serves to underline the flexibility and durability of the Conservative party: the strivings of its members after a distinct party identity, their attitudes to coalition, the practice of co-option and economic policy are discussed. Regional and local considerations have been mentioned in this section only where they bear immediately on party relationships at a national level. The Colombian political elite, in the period under review, put a heavy stress upon abstract political speculation. Chapter Two gives an account of how ideological postures were used to substantiate partisan and personal positions and of how ideological restatements gave sporadic sensations of renewal to the Conservative party. Chapters Three and Four consider the relationships between the Conservative party and principal institutions - the Church, the army and the police. The role of the Church was crucial because it was expected by Conservatives - at least, until 1949 - to act as the primary bulwark of the social and political order. Despite its claim to a single identity, the Church rarely behaved coherently, largely as a consequence of contrasting regional patterns of social, religious and political behaviour. The ways these were projected nationally are considered at length. The failure of the Church to maintain the public order led Conservatives to fall back on the army and police. Liberals, for much of the period studied, considered the army to be a Conservative institution and built up the police as a countervailing force. Certain Conservatives strove to preserve the army as a partisan institution, and, from 1946, tried to convert the police force into a Conservative instrument. The destabilizing impact of the relationships of the parties with the coercive arms of the state is considered; and the relationship of civilian Conservative and miltary leaders before the coup of 1953 is stressed. Chapter Five contains a brief study of Conservatives and elections. It falls into two parts: some qualitative statements about electoral behaviour are substantiated by some quantitative data. Chapter Six considers the national leadership of the Conservative party by focusing upon two of its outstanding figures: Laureano Gómez, unequalled leader in the period undertaken and president in 1950, who represented the tradition of confrontation at its most persistent and articulate; and Mariano Ospina Pérez, president in 1946 and arguably the most important Conservative figure after 1953, who represented a tradition of conciliation and concession. Some conclusions about patterns of leadership with reference to other Conservative leaders then follow. Conservative activity in the regions is considered in Chapter Seven. The department of Antioquia receives particular attention, and the Santanders some. This section stresses variations in political style and underlines the proclivity of the party structure to fission and breakdown. Some general perspectives on the Conservative party then follow. Appendix One contains a brief account of the role of the press in Colombia. Appendices Two and Three serve to illustaate the election materials in Chapter Five. An extensive bibliography should go some way towards correcting the paucity of bibliographical aids on twentieth-century Colombia.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-26T13:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012Bitstream added on 2015-01-26T13:30:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000800464.pdf: 575118 bytes, checksum: 05fe0183c01cfb9084de37c067e7839c (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O fim da Guerra Fria provocou questionamentos sobre a ordem internacional e a posição dos Estados Unidos, em particular. Ao fim do conflito, os EUA possuíam uma superioridade militar e política como nenhum outro Estado tivera ao longo da história. Assim, durante esse período, ressurgiu o antigo desejo norte-americano de remodelamento da ordem à sua imagem e semelhança, ou seja, a promoção de seus valores pelo mundo. Nesse sentido, os dois primeiros presidentes eleitos após o fim da Guerra Fria, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush, retomaram a abordagem wilsoniana para a política externa dos Estados Unidos. Ao mesmo tempo, o descongelamento das tensões políticas globais e regionais e a ausência da influência bipolar possibilitaram o surgimento de inúmeros problemas nos mais diversos cantos do globo. Nem todos estavam diretamente relacionados à estabilidade do sistema, mas que mesmo assim ofereceram desafios na abordagem de política externa dos Estados Unidos. Assim, o presente trabalho procura, a partir da leitura de diversos textos escritos sobre o período, fazer uma analise sobre a utilização do wilsonismo ao longo desses governos, enfatizando dois momentos distintos: a estratégia do engajamento e expansão no governo Clinton e a doutrina Bush. A analise pretendida na pesquisa procura demonstrar que apesar das diferenças, os dois presidentes utilizaram a abordagem para o mesmo fim: justificar sua atuação em política externa. A pesquisa também apresenta as discussões em torno do conceito de wilsonismo, tendo como base suas características mais fundamentais. Por fim, procurou-se apresentar os desafios à abordagem wilsoniana em um mundo ainda em transformação. / The end of the Cold War led to questions about the international order and the position of the United States in particular. At the end of the conflict, the United States had political and military superiority as no other state throughout History. During this period, there was renewed the longstanding desire of America to remodel the order according to its image, ie. the promotion of its values around the world. Thus, the first two presidents elected after the end of the Cold War, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, retook the wilsonian approach to U.S. foreign policy. At the same time global and regional tensions and the lack of bipolarity influence enable the emergence of problems all around the globe. Not all were directly related to system stability, but still offered challenges for United States foreign policy. This paper seeks, based on the reading of various texts written about the period, to make an analysis on the use of wilsonianism over these governments, emphasizing two distinct periods: the strategy of engagement and expansion in the Clinton administration and the Bush doctrine. The analysis required in the research seeks to show that despite their differences, both used the approach for the same purpose: to justify their actions in foreign policy. The research also presents discussions around the concept of wilsonianism, based on its most fundamental characteristics. Finally, we tried to present the challenges to wilsonian approach in a world still in transformation.

This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime

Bibliography: pages 372-383. / This dissertation constitutes a study of all issues relevant to South West Africa/Namibian independence, from 1915 to June 1983. The method employed is primarily of a descriptive, historical and analytical nature, which brings together in a concise study a variety of primary research materials, particularly with extensive use of newspaper resources. Due to the limited available material on South West Africa/ Namibia, it was necessary to rely upon these journalistic sources to a large extent. It was, therefore, necessary to assume that: 1. newspaper references are correct and valid, and that articles by relevant authorities and political figures are a true expression of the writers' political beliefs; 2. that in terms of books, journals and other published materials in relation to South West Africa/Namibia, the facts have been accurately researched and verified, and 3. that personal conversations with relevant authorities are genuine as to the thoughts expressed. A number of hypotheses are put forward: 1. that independence will come about as the result of a process of negotiation and not because of military victory or defeat; 2. that the South West Africa People's Organisation is bound to be part of any true settlement; 3. that this organisation cannot claim to be the 'sole authentic representative' of the Territory's population, and, 4. as a result of this, there is a definite need for the accommodation of other internal parties in a genuine settlement as well.

Die bürgerliche Gesellschaft des ausklingenden 19. und beginnenden 20. Jahrhunderts drängte fast einen jeden Menschen in eine Aussenseiterrolle, wenn er ihre Werte nicht akzeptierte. Der Naturalismus machte innere Schwächen der Menschen wie auch deterministische äussere Einflüsse für das Scheitern der Hauptfiguren verantwortlich. Johannes Vockerat und Gabriel Schilling fühlen sich von ihrem bürgerlichen Familienleben eingeengt und versuchen mit Hilfe einer anderen Frau, ihr Dasein zu verbessern. Vockerat versucht dem Dreiecksverhältnis auf einem höhere geistigen Niveau gerecht zu werden. Er muss sich aber am Ende eingestehen, dass solch eine platonische Verbindung auf die Dauer unmöglich ist. Sein Ideal zerbricht, und er begeht Selbstmord. Ein anderer Weg wird von Gabriel Schilling aufgezeigt: die Verbindung mit der anderen Frau in Polygamie. Auch dieser Versuch scheiter. Gabriel Schilling begeht ebenfalls Selbstmord. Sowohl die unbiegsamen gesellschaftlichen Normen als auch die innere Zerrissenheit führen zu einem tragischen Ende der Hauptfiguren ohne Aussicht auf eine andere Lösung des Dreiecksverhältnisses.