Approximately 70 square miles of Roanoke, Botetourt, and Bedford counties and northern Roanoke were mapped in detail in an attempt to reconstruct the structural evolution of this critical area situated at the arcuate junction of the Southern and Central Appalachians. The area includes approximately 15,000 feet of Paleozoic sedimentary rocks which range in age from Early Cambrian to Early Mississippian. Most strata are allochthonous and comprise four imbricated thrust blocks delimited from northwest to southeast by the Pulaski, Salem, Max Meadows, and Blue. Ridge faults. Indigenous rocks comprise the Read-Coyner Mountain and Bonsack anticlinal fensters and a probable fenster in Roanoke. The Read-Coyner Mountain fenster effectively separates the Catawba syncline and related Pulaski block structures to the northwest from the Salem block to the southeast, whereas the Bonsack fenster intervenes between the Salem and Max Meadows blocks. The eastern part of the area contains salients of the Blue Ridge, Max Meadows, and Salem blocks and a cross-structure delineated by northwesterly trending allochthonous and indigenous structural elements. Reconstruction of pre-thrusting basin geometry from structural and stratigraphic evidence reveals the following arrangement of structural elements from southeast to northwest: (1) Blue Ridge anticlinorium, (2) ancestral Catawba syncline and related portions of the Pulaski block, (3) Read Mountain anticlinorium, now partially exposed in fensters, and (4) Blacksburg synclinorium. Stratigraphic evidence indicates that each of these structures evolved, at least in part, contemporaneously with deposition. Thrusting was probably initiated in Mississippian time with inception of the proto-Pulaski fault in the basement beneath the Blue Ridge anticlinorium. Subsequent thrusting apparently originated from within the proto-Pulaski and Pulaski blocks in a progressive sequence from northwest to southeast. The proto-Pulaski fault propagated from the basement to near the base of the Rome beneath the rooted Catawba syncline and then was deflected surfaceward along the southeastern flank of the Read Mountain anticlinorium. After initial movement by plunger-like stresses, the incompetent, structurally low Rome became detached from the sole of this thrust block and was left behind, while overlying beds continued to advance along the newly defined Pulaski fault. The Pulaski block was then forcibly shoved over the Read Mountain anticlinorium and into the Blacksburg synclinorium until it encountered the structural front to the northwest. Continued application of tangential stress through the impounded Blue Ridge anticlinorium and yoked Catawba syncline induced Salem thrusting within the Pulaski block over the southeastern flank of the Read Mountain anticline. The Max Meadows fault probably originated by resurrection of the original Rome-soled proto-Pulaski block over the Bonsack anticline. The final stages of thrusting probably involved movement of both the Max Meadows block and the dismembered anticlinal Blue Ridge block. After thrusting, both allochthonous and indigenous blocks were folded and locally faulted, and nearly 10,000 feet of structural relief was imparted on the Pulaski thrust and overlying Catawba syncline. The Tinker Mountain-Coyner Mountain cross-structure probably originated contemporaneously with deposition but developed largely after thrusting by vice-like lateral compression and contemporaneous downwarp generated in the structural, possibly primary embayment of the Roanoke area. / Ph. D.

This thesis aims to explore and investigate the use of the cliché ‘68 in a contemporary Swedish debate. The sixties and especially 1968 is a historically significant year,and it is marked by political murders, protesting students and political energy. InSweden one of the most notable happenings was the occupation of the student union’s headquarters in Stockholm. The occupation, which was held by the students, lasted for three days and was initiated during a meeting to discuss a parliament proposal of regulated courses of studies, known as UKAS. In 2008, during the jubilee forty years after the occupation, a seminar was arranged by the cultural conservative forum Axessat the very same address where the student union’s headquarters once had been. The seminar is characteristic for the research material: It exemplifies how the leftist symbol ‘68 is used and transformed by participants who do not define themselves as left-wing. The purpose of this paper is to show how ‘68 as a cliché is used not to challenge thepolitical situation of today, but to present the discoursers and their political views asneutralised or natural. The hypothesis of this study is that ‘68 serves as a hegemonical gap, where leftist political values can absorb a minor part of the debate — just to bemarked off as something caused almost biological by youth, and placed in a largerscheme where the participants in forums, such as the seminar arranged by Axess, are acknowledged as judges of society both now and then, and as su neutralised. The cliché ‘68 can be positioned in the debate concerning the post-political society. Part ofthe cliché is the historical narrative where society evolves from immature to mature,from radical leftist to non-socialist and right-wing stands.

Th.--Lettres--Strasbourg, 1968. / Bibliogr. p. 485-497.

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Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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This work looks into Swaziland's political, economic, social and cultural relations with Britain (its former colonial master) and South Africa (its big and rich neighbour) in the period since Swaziland's Independence in 1968. The focus is on how Swaziland's relations with Britain and South Africa influence its socio-economic and political developments, and its internal and external security. As a micro-state, with a population of less than 0.7 million people, the assumption is made that Swaziland's progress and security can be reasonably assessed by examining its relations with the two powerful states with whom it has close links. This assumption arises from the fact that (i) Swaziland inherited political institutions from Britain, (ii) there were strong economic links (investments, trade, aid) between it and Britain at Independence and these ties continue today, (iii) there were, and still are, economic links in almost every aspect between Swaziland and South Africa at Independence and (iv) South Africa dominates the Southern Africa region - militarily and economically. The main arguments in the Thesis are (a) that the economic links between Swaziland and the two states provide economic growth for the former, thus helping to maintain stability, although South African domination threatens to undermine Swaziland's independence (b) that Swaziland has pursued a "tightrope policy" in Southern Africa, and that this regional strategy has, on the whole, succeeded in helping the country's survival; and (c) that the political system of Swaziland has an in-built tension in that the traditional institutions exist alongside modern ones and this is a threat to political stability.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 459-481). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.