The common law which traditionally has served as the basis of Virginia's system of water rights has developed with little apparent regard for the existence of the hydrologic cycle and the interrelationships between the water in its various phases, and separate doctrines of law exist for natural watercourses, percolating ground water, and diffused surface water. Each of these doctrines relies on some form of a reasonable use concept to measure the extent of water rights. The common reliance on this concept produces some general similarity in the three doctrines of law. However, the detailed water rights existing under these three doctrines are considerably different due to variation in the nature of the applicable reasonable use concept. In natural watercourse law, the concept serves as the direct measure of water rights and actually specifies amounts and conditions of use. In the cases of percolating and diffused water, the concept places more emphasis on the use of land which consequently affects the nature of the flow of percolating or diffused water. The result of this emphasis on the reasonableness of land use is that the rights to interfere with the flow of water are greeter under these two doctrines than in natural watercourse law. The common law reasonable use concept has been affected by the enactment of statutory law to define certain water rights. However, this statutory law has not altered the basic structure of Virginia water law, and the reasonable use concept still serves as the primary measure of water rights. / M.S.

This thesis aims to explore and investigate the use of the cliché ‘68 in a contemporary Swedish debate. The sixties and especially 1968 is a historically significant year,and it is marked by political murders, protesting students and political energy. InSweden one of the most notable happenings was the occupation of the student union’s headquarters in Stockholm. The occupation, which was held by the students, lasted for three days and was initiated during a meeting to discuss a parliament proposal of regulated courses of studies, known as UKAS. In 2008, during the jubilee forty years after the occupation, a seminar was arranged by the cultural conservative forum Axessat the very same address where the student union’s headquarters once had been. The seminar is characteristic for the research material: It exemplifies how the leftist symbol ‘68 is used and transformed by participants who do not define themselves as left-wing. The purpose of this paper is to show how ‘68 as a cliché is used not to challenge thepolitical situation of today, but to present the discoursers and their political views asneutralised or natural. The hypothesis of this study is that ‘68 serves as a hegemonical gap, where leftist political values can absorb a minor part of the debate — just to bemarked off as something caused almost biological by youth, and placed in a largerscheme where the participants in forums, such as the seminar arranged by Axess, are acknowledged as judges of society both now and then, and as su neutralised. The cliché ‘68 can be positioned in the debate concerning the post-political society. Part ofthe cliché is the historical narrative where society evolves from immature to mature,from radical leftist to non-socialist and right-wing stands.

Th.--Lettres--Strasbourg, 1968. / Bibliogr. p. 485-497.

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Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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This work looks into Swaziland's political, economic, social and cultural relations with Britain (its former colonial master) and South Africa (its big and rich neighbour) in the period since Swaziland's Independence in 1968. The focus is on how Swaziland's relations with Britain and South Africa influence its socio-economic and political developments, and its internal and external security. As a micro-state, with a population of less than 0.7 million people, the assumption is made that Swaziland's progress and security can be reasonably assessed by examining its relations with the two powerful states with whom it has close links. This assumption arises from the fact that (i) Swaziland inherited political institutions from Britain, (ii) there were strong economic links (investments, trade, aid) between it and Britain at Independence and these ties continue today, (iii) there were, and still are, economic links in almost every aspect between Swaziland and South Africa at Independence and (iv) South Africa dominates the Southern Africa region - militarily and economically. The main arguments in the Thesis are (a) that the economic links between Swaziland and the two states provide economic growth for the former, thus helping to maintain stability, although South African domination threatens to undermine Swaziland's independence (b) that Swaziland has pursued a "tightrope policy" in Southern Africa, and that this regional strategy has, on the whole, succeeded in helping the country's survival; and (c) that the political system of Swaziland has an in-built tension in that the traditional institutions exist alongside modern ones and this is a threat to political stability.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 459-481). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.