On May 9, 1950, President Truman declared that “all our international policies, taken together, form a program designed to strengthen and unite the free world.” My dissertation is the first history of the “free world,” a crucial concept that identified the object of U.S. leadership, drove the country to seek global preeminence, and shaped the American understanding of the Cold War. For much of the nineteenth century, American policymakers had envisioned a globe divided into a “new world” of freedom and an “old world” of tyranny. In 1917, Woodrow Wilson proposed a new global dichotomy, arguing for the creation of a trans-Atlantic coalition of democracies against aggressive autocracies whose very existence threatened the survival of freedom everywhere. A revised version of this logic prevailed during the Second World War. But it was only after the start of the Cold War in the late 1940s that American policymakers embraced the concept of an enduring and extra-hemispheric “free world.” Their efforts to lead, unite and strengthen this spatially defined “free world” prompted a massive expansion of American foreign policy and fundamentally transformed the country’s position in the international arena.

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In the last two decades of his life, Harry S. Truman formally established the office of the ex-presidency in the public eye. The goals he wanted to accomplish and the legislation passed to help Truman achieve these aims led the way for Truman and other former presidents to play a significant role in American public life. Men who had occupied the nation's highest office had a great deal to offer their country, and Truman saw to it that he and other former presidents had the financial and the institutional support to continue serving their nation in productive ways. Although out of the White House, Harry S. Truman wanted to continue to play an active role in the affairs of the nation and the Democratic party. In pursuing this goal, he found that he was limited by a lack of financial support and was forced to turn to the federal government for assistance. While Truman was active for more than a decade after he left Washington, his two most important legacies were helping push for federal legislation to provide financial support for ex-presidents and to organize and maintain presidential libraries. Truman believed that these endeavors were a small price for the nation to pay to support thee former occupants of the nation's highest office. Furthermore, Truman believed that presidential libraries were essential in preserving and disseminating the history of the nation's highest office. Truman's other activities including heavy involvement in partisan affairs. While he tried unsuccessfully to determine the party's presidential candidates, his involvement in the Democratic party and attendance at partisan events displayed his level of commitment to the party and his determination to play a role in its activities.

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Faire l'historique du collège classique Notre-Dame-de-l'Assomption de Nicolet, c'est ouvrir un nouveau chapitre à l'histoire de l'enseignement secondaire féminin au Québec. Des études encore rares en ce domaine ont jusqu'ici touché trois collèges urbains de Québec et de Montréal, dirigés par les Soeurs de la Congrégation. Le collège Notre-Dame-de-l'Assomption présente une originalité qui lui est propre: celle d'avoir pu naître en plein monde rural et d'y avoir vécu pendant trente et un ans. Il fut ce grain de sénevé qui, tout en voulant devenir arbre, n'atteignit jamais toutefois la taille de ses congénères du monde urbain: un bassin de population beaucoup plus restreint et des préjugés traditionnels face à l'opportunité de l'enseignement classique pour les jeunes filles peuvent expliquer la discrète évolution du collège. Fondé en 1937, durant le marasme prolongeant la crise qui avait perturbé l'économie québécoise, il pouvait apparaître un défi aux structures socio-économiques sur lesquelles il allait, très modestement, s'édifier. Mais pourquoi un collège féminin à Nicolet, alors que l'enseignement classique était déjà dispensé aux jeunes filles de la province dans neuf autres institutions? Les principaux centres urbains leur avaient offert un milieu favorable: Montréal s'était donné quatre collèges féminins depuis que la Congrégation Notre-Dame avait ouvert, au prix de quelles difficultés, les voies de l'enseignement classique aux 2 jeunes filées en 1908. En 1932, les Soeurs de Sainte-Anne fondaient le collège Marie-Anne à Machine; l'année suivante, deux autres communautés de Montréal obtenaient leur affiliation à l'Université de Montréal pour les collèges Basile-Moreau et Jésus-Marie d'Outremont. Les religieuses de Jésus-Marie de Sillery donnaient à la ville de Québec son premier collège classique en 1925, avec privilège d'exclusivité pendant dix ans. En 1937, les Ursulines et les Soeurs de la Congrégation portaient à trois le nombre des collèges féminins pour cette même ville. Trois-Rivières et St-Hyacinthe s'étaient donné leur collège respectif en 1935. Cette éclosion peut paraître rapide au sein de conjonctures politiques, économiques et sociales tout à fait défavorables dans la province de Québec. Sur le plan politique, Maurice Duplessis, sous la nouvelle bannière de l'Union Nationale, a conquis le pouvoir de haute lutte dans une élection où les scandales des libéraux furent exploités contre le parti au pouvoir depuis quarante ans. Quelle sera la pensée du nouveau législateur sur la question de l'éducation, et plus particulièrement des collèges classiques féminins? Les collèges se fondent après approbation de l'Ordinaire, sous l'égide de l'université qui contrôle les diplômes: il n'en faut pas plus pour avoir droit de vie dans l'enseignement secondaire entièrement régi par le clergé. L'Etat n'a donc aucun pouvoir de réglementation dans le secteur privé et les octrois qu'il consent aux collèges classiques masculins ne sont soumis à aucun contrôle. Les collèges féminins sont, pour leur part, totalement absents des préoccupations gouvernementales: aucune reconnaissance juridique, aucune subvention financière. Le nouveau gouvernement n'innove en rien dans ce domaine. La crise mondiale de 1929 a pesé lourdement sur l'économie québécoise qui reçut les coups les plus durs vers 1932. Il a fallu attendre le début de la deuxième guerre mondiale pour qu'un redressement valable se fasse sentir. Le secteur rural fut probablement le moins touché, mais les cultivateurs n'ont pas le capital argent entre les 3 mains: l'investissement en éducation supérieure apparaît un luxe. Rumilly fait remarquer que "dans les collèges, l'effectif écolier baisse, le prix de la pension rentre mal". Même l'enseignement primaire est en danger: deux cents écoles sont fermées à l'automne de 1931 et plus de sept mille enfants sont ainsi privés d'instruction. Les finances de la province sont gravement atteintes et la perception des impôts connaît des difficultés. En milieu rural, l'opinion publique est loin de se montrer favorable à l'accès du cours classique pour les jeunes filles. De pareilles études ne risquent-elles pas de "créer des parvenues intellectuelles qui n'auraient que du dédain pour les humbles travaux de la maison"? Ou encore, "ces savantes jeunes filles n'allaient-elles pas briguer les carrières masculines et faire concurrence à leurs frères bacheliers dans les professions libérales"? Les rares intuitifs, conscients des besoins de l'heure, souhaitent la femme cultivée, éclairée, influente dans les milieux où elle est appelée à vivre. Sur ce fond de tableau, nous voulons, dans une première partie, étudier les circonstances qui ont amené la fondation d'un collège classique féminin à Nicolet. Nous suivrons le développement général du collège à travers les événements d'ordre politique, économique, social et culturel qui ont exercé sur lui des répercussions telles que son existence est étroitement liée à ces conjonctures. Dans une deuxième partie, nous nous proposons de dégager les traits particuliers de l'éducation donnée au collège Notre-Dame-de l’Assomption à la lumière des effectifs humains et des instruments de formation que sont les programmes et le règlement. Pour compléter cette étude sur l'éducation, il est de toute nécessité de souligner le caractère exceptionnel que présente l'enseignement des arts dans ce collège. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2012

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of Africa’s longest civil wars ended for the second time in 2005, when the leaders of the government of Sudan and Sudan People’s Liberation Movement and Army signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. This action initiated an interim period which culminated with a referendum for the people of Southern Sudan, to decide if they wanted unity or to secede from the north. Through using theories of power sharing and secession this thesis argues that the Sudanese conflict is not resolved after the referendum in South Sudan. The focus of this thesis is to illustrate how the first peace agreement in 1972 failed to deal with root causes and to implement structures that would be acceptable for that part of the population which did not identify with the central elite. Lessons from this process are integral to understand why the secession does not provide the autonomy and prospects of peace that the South and the negotiators intended. This study will provide a thorough assessment of the process from the failure of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972 to the making of- and contents of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Although there are many positive aspects to the recent agreement, this study will reveal how the North will keep asserting its dominance through controlling the oil sector and using the unresolved border areas for political gain. In addition, the new structure has changed power structures in both areas, which has left many opposing groups in Sudan in a worse situation than before; thus, the further marginalized people in Darfur, the Nuba Mountains and the Blue Nile are the real losers in the post-CPA era. As often portrayed, the peace in South Sudan does not only depend on development, but on external influence from the region and especially their relationship with the regime in Khartoum, despite the construction of an autonomous state. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van Afrika se langs durende burgeroorloë het vir die tweede keer geëindig in 2005, toe die regering van Soedan en die Soedanese Burgelikke Vryheidsbeweging en Weermag die Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) onderteken het. Hierdie ooreenkoms was die begin van 'n interim-tydperk wat uitgeloop het op ‘n referendum vir die bevolking van Suid-Soedan, waarin hulle moes besluit of hulle wou afstig van die noorde. Deur gebruik te maak van teorieë op magsdeling en afstigtinglig hierdie tesis die mening dat die Soedanese konflik nie opgelos is na die referendum in Suid-Soedan nie. Die fokus van hierdie tesis was op die illustrering van hoe die eerste vredesooreenkoms van 1972 gevaal het om die sleutel oorsake van die konflik te ondersoek en om strukture in plek te stel vir die gedeeltes van die bevolking wat nie met die sentrale elite geïdentifisee rhet nie. Die lesse van hierdie proses is integraal in die verstaan van hoekom outonomie en vooruitsigte van vrede nie in die Suide kan voortsprui tuit die afstigting van Suid-Sudan soos wat die bedoeling van die onderhandelaars was nie. Hierdie studie sal ‘n deeglikke assesering doen van die proses tussen die Addis Ababa Ooreenkoms van 1972 tot en met die sluit van die Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005, asook op die inhoud van hierdie ooreenkoms. Alhoewel die nuwe ooreenkoms baie positiewe aspekte bevat, sal die studie toon hoe die Noorde steeds sy dominansie sal kan handhaaf, vir politieke wins, deur beheer uitteoefen oor die olie sektor en deur onopgeloste grens geskille. Daar benewens het die nuwe struktuur veranderde mag strukture in beide gebiede te weeg gebring wat nou gelei het tot ‘n soms slegter situasie vir oposisie groepe binne Sudan; dus is die verder gemarginaliseerde Darfur streek, die Nuba gebergtes en die Blou Nyl die waare verloorders van die na-CPA era. Soos dikwels uitgebeeld word, sal die vrede in Suid-Soedan nie net afhang van ontwikkeling nie, maar ook van eksterne invloede vanuit die streek en veral van hul verhouding met die Khartoemregime, ten spyte van die konstruksie van 'n outonomestaat.

The aim of this dissertation is to examine the Swedish government’s responses to the Prague Spring, the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, the anti-Semitic campaigns in Poland and, first and foremost, to Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees fleeing their native countries as a result of these event during the formative period of the late 1960s and early 1970s. This has been accomplished by examining the entire process from the decision to admit the refugees in 1968, to their reception and economic integration into Swedish society during the seven-year period necessary for acquiring Swedish citizenship. This study also analyzes discourses in Swedish newspapers relating to these matters and compares the media’s treatment of these two groups. The investigation is guided by factors influencing refugee policy formation such as bureaucratic choices, international relations, local absorption capacity, national security considerations, and Cold War considerations. Press cuttings, diplomatic documents, telegrams, protocols from the departments and government agencies involved, as well as reports from the resettlement centres, and, finally, refugees’ applications for citizenship form the empirical basis of this study. The period under investigation coincides with three key developments in Sweden’s foreign, refugee, and immigrant policies – the emergence of a more activist foreign policy, the shift from labour migration to refugee migration and, finally, the shift from a policy of integration to multiculturalism. In this regard, the overarching objective of the study is to shed some light on these developments and to determine whether the arrival, reception, and integration of these refugees should be regarded as the starting point for new policies towards immigrants and minorities in Sweden, or if it should rather be seen as the finale of the policies that had begun to develop at the end of World War II. The results demonstrate that Sweden’s refugee policy formation of the late 1960s and early 1970s was hardly affected by these major developments. It could be argued that a more active foreign policy was evident in the criticism of the events in Czechoslovakia and Poland and in the admission of the Czechoslovak of Polish-Jewish refugees to Sweden, but a detailed analysis of the motives shows that these decisions were primarily the result of international relations, national security considerations, and economic capacity, along with other considerations that had guided Swedish refugee policy in previous decades. Similarly, at the centre of Sweden’s reception of the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees during the late 1960s and early 1970s was, like in previous decades, the labour market orientation of Sweden’s refugee policy. The Czechoslovaks and Polish-Jews did not experience any multiculturalist turn. Overall, Sweden’s responses to the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees were consistent with the objectives developed at the end of World War II and thus did not represent a transition in Swedish refugee policymaking.

The purpose of this study was to describe and analyze George McGovern's rhetorical strategies during the three-week period known as the "Eagleton Affair." First, the thesis describes the communications related to the selection of Thomas Eagleton as McGovern's running mate in 1972. Second, it analyzes the communications related to the disclosure of Eagleton's past medical history. Third, it explains McGovern's vacillating rhetorical strategies and the communications which led to Eagleton's withdrawal from the Democratic ticket. The results of this study show that McGovern's rhetoric reflected indecisiveness, inconsistency, and impulsiveness. The rhetorical errors greatly damaged his credibility as a serious presidential contender.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA DA GLORIA HAZAN.pdf: 1460234 bytes, checksum: f11c0da5ec46677110e30765d75e7d64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-26 / Nosso trabalho procurou pesquisar o conceito de consciência religiosa proposto por Abraham Joshua Heschel (1907 - 1972), em Deus em Busca do Homem, livro no qual o autor entende o pensamento religiioso como fonte de conhecimento e examina os diversos aspectos que objetivam o retorno à Religião. O livro é composto de três grandes temas: Deus, Revelação e Resposta. Esta pesquisa focalizou o primeiro tema que aborda a relação entre o desenvolvimento da consciência religiosa, Deus e o mundo. Nossa pesquisa foi guiada pela hipótese de que, em Heschel, há a possibilidade noética, ou seja, de conhecimento pela pela via da consciência religiosa. A relação da consciência religiosa e Deus se dá na abertura da consciência judaica ao Deus Abraâmico, que não se restringe ao povo judaico, mas que tem, na voz do Profeta, uma abrangência universal. Este conceito, para o autor, passa a existir na discussão da relação entre Deus e a condição humana, que se caracteriza pelas seguintes categorias: sublime, maravilhoso, temor, glória, mistério entre outras. Para Heschel, a consciência religiosa acontece no evento, isto é, no encontro do humano com a história sagrada, que trancende o tempo, supera a linha divisória do passado e do presente e se atualiza pela consciência do inefável. A religião e a consciência religiosa se dão no encontro da pergunta de Deus com a resposta do homem. Na consciência religiosa, abre-se o caminho para a fé e o caminho de fé. O caminho para Deus é um caminho de Deus. Se Deus não fizer a pergunta, todas as nossas indagações serão vãs. Procuramos apontar a categoria do inefável, legitimando sua aplicação à filosofia da religião judaica, como um parâmetro eficiente para o pensar situacional-filosófico a respeito do homem em sua relação com o outro, com o mundo e com Deus. Com base nesse pressuposto, podemos concluir que só há possibilidade de uma relação ética onde se encontra a consciência do inefável. Consciência de alteridade esta que possibilita o amor, ou seja, realmente ser capaz de olhar para o outro em toda sua singularidade e necessidade