Canadian artist Sveva Caetani was born in Rome in 191 7 and emigrated to Canada in 192 1 with her parents, Leone Caetani and Ofelia Fabiani. The family settled in Vernon, B.C. where Caetani was to remain until her death in 1994. Between the years of 1975 and 1992, Caetani produced a series of 56 watercolour paintings entitled Recapitulation that recounts the story of her life. Drawing on Dante's Divine Comedy as a model for the overarching format of the series, Caetani adopts the role of a pilgrim on a spiritual journey. Just as Dante called on Virgil to act as his guide, Caetani calls on her father to accompany her on her personal journey. By establishing a voice that bears witness to the tragic circumstances of her life, Sveva Caetani reconnects with her past in order to alter the shape of memory. The evidence Caetani offers is her own life and the country of her imagination; the extraordinary life of a woman and the separate life as a writerlartist. She draws us into personal memory and family history, weaving autobiography into analysis.

Informe de Seminario para optar al grado de Licenciado en Historia Seminario de Grado: "Raza, clase y género en América Latina a partir de 1970"

This thesis provides an analysis of changes apparent in the ideology and style of the Inkatha Freedom Party'si politics since April 1994. The IFP's first three years in power under the new dispensation, as a member of the Government of National Unity and the majority party in KwaZulu-Natal, have witnessed a significant shift away from the militant Zulu nationalism and confrontational tactics that characterised the party from the mid-1980s. Zulu nationalism has been abandoned in favour of a broader appeal, while the brinkmanship employed during negotiations in the early 1990s, the walkouts and threats of violent resistance, have been largely absent in the post-election period. Confrontation since 1994, and especially since 1996, has gradually given way to more accommodatory and cooperative relations with the political opposition, on both the national and provincial levels of government. To understand why this shift has occurred, it is necessary to examine the nature of Zulu nationalism as espoused by Inkatha. It is my assertion that Inkatha employed Zulu nationalism in an attempt to preserve its institutionalised power base in the KwaZulu-Natal region and exercise a voice on the national level. Nationalist rhetoric became increasingly prevalent as violence escalated in the late 1980s, and peaked in the uncertainty of the political transition as the IFP faced marginalisation on South Africa's emerging politicalstage. Zulu nationalism acted as the rallying call for party faithful to resist the challenge of the United Democratic Front!African National Congress in the 1980s, and provided justification for Inkatha's confrontational approach and demands for Zulu self-determination in the early 1990s. Indeed, Inkatha's brand of Zulu nationalism has always been about 1 advancing the party interest, rather than defending the integrity of the divided and warring ,J Zulu people. It is in this light that the post-1994 shift in ideological emphasis must be understood. The April 1994 general election ushered in a new era in South African politics, in which the IFP found its role radically altered. From playing the part of spoiler on the outskirts of formal political structures it now had to adjust to its status as the majority party in the provincial legislature, with Buthelezi in a prominent role in the national cabinet. Under these conditions, the party's interests were advanced by the establishment of a smootWy run provincial administration, under which its regional power could be consolidated. Thus, the new political order created a space for the IFP within the democratic system in which its credibility rested on its ability to govern the province effectively. Further, under these conditions, confrontation was not only less attractive as a means of achieving party objectives, it was also less effective and feasible. This the IFP learnt the hard way, in terms of its disastrous constitution-making experience. Its boycott of negotiations at the national level merely served to deprive the IFP of a role in drawing up the country's final constitution, while a belligerent approach at the provincial level prevented the realisation of a compromise agreement. The IFP was forced to accept that its majority in the provincial legislature was insufficient to allow it to rule unilaterally in the province. The loss of therKing's political allegiance, coupled with election results which revealed strong support for the ANC among urban Zulus while the IFP's support was largely confined to traditionalist rural communities, undermined the party's claims to represent the Zulu nation. Furthermore, the gradual return of law and order in the province diminished the IFP's capacity to resort to militarism, thus taking some of the bite out of a confrontational strategy. In brief, the IFP was both pulled and pushed into the new order, and hence to some extent, a new ideology and political style. By 1996 the Zulu nationalism and belligerence that had characterised the party since the mid-1980s had been replaced with a liberal-conservative platform that sought resonance with the urban electorate, coupled with efforts to improve cooperative relations with the political opposition in the interests of provincial stability. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1998.

While the debate on the indigenous culture of ubuntu/botho in South Africa (SA) goes far back into the history as signified by Ngubane' s (1963 and 1979) works on the role of the ubuntu values in the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggle; in the last two decades or so, this debate has gathered even much greater momentum. This recent interest in ubuntu/botho culture could be attributed to the imminence of the collapse of apartheid in the late 1980s and the turn of the 1990s, and also the post-apartheid situation in which the SA society came to confront serious socio-economic and political challenges. Those challenges arose from the country's re-admission into the global world, which presented challenges associated with globalisation phenomenon such as the need to achieve economic competitiveness. They also were presented by the newly attained democratic dispensation along which dawned the urgent need to redress the apartheid-created injustices and to work earnestly towards the eradication of the past legacies such as racial inequalities and poverty while seeking to consolidate and jealously defend the still rather fragile democracy. Event much more recently, the debate came to form part of the current continent-wide sentiment that Africa should claim the twenty-first century and that all efforts should be channelled towards the renewal of Africa following the destructions and distortions caused by colonialism. Central to this debate in SA is the widely held belief and claim that the ubuntu/botho cultural values could be mobilised into developmental and transformative force. In particular, a strong claim is made that for SA to achieve competitive advantage in global markets, its development strategies should tap into the values of the ubuntu/botho culture. While few cases are cited as success stories indicative of ubuntu values positive influence on business management strategies in the workplace, often with the assistance of private consultants, these remain isolated and no any serious follow-up studies were conduced in order to assess the sustainability of such interventions. Thus, what is essentially missing in this debate, is a comprehensive indepth, empirically-based study aimed at not only assessing the validity of these widely held claims, but also at examining the objective conditions under which the ubuntu/botho cultural values can help in realising this role. Also critical and missing is the need to possibilities/opportunities and potential constraints to ubuntu/botho culture's ability to fulfil this role. Often these debates lack any serious theoretical basis or comparative references on which to justify their claims. Further, there is seldom any attempt to locate the debate on ubuntu/botho culture in the wider context of the debate and research in the African continent around questions of traditional cultures, thought systems and development and progress. While the present study approaches this debate in such a way that the gaps highlighted addressed through extensive review of literature, it however takes it even further by giving it an empirical content through an in-depth case study of one South African workplace as an illustrative example. This empirically-based approach, coupled with extensive and critical review of the relevant literature, helped to take the debate on ubuntu/botho culture beyond rhetoric which characterises the current dominant thinking within the debate. I argue, on the basis of my overall findings that while evidence gathered supports the case for the need to explore with the ubuntu/botho culture in the economic and business sphere, and in particular at the workplace level, some serious obstacles would and do stand in the way of realising the potentially transformative and developmental role of the culture's values. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2007.

With South Africa’s momentous transition to democratic rule in 1994, the Nelson Mandela administration significantly underscored the need to erect the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a mechanism to address the grievances, racial discrimination and violence that characterized the apartheid era. The South African government and the TRC have initiated policies to expedite reconciliation among its different races with the primary objective to recompense those who were previously marginalized and abused by the apartheid regime. Such attempts include: economic and land restitution and affirmative action. Despite these strides however, there are still enormous challenges, especially with regards to socio-economic imbalances, racial skirmishes, violence, and unresolved grievances among the victims of the apartheid era. Conceived in this way, the primary purpose of this research is to offer a broad analysis of rationale to transform some of the apartheid structural arrangements to a more egalitarian structure. 1994 heralded a new era of democratization in South Africa after long years of apartheid regime. The transition from autocratic rule to democracy has often been an excruciating one. It is no doubt that the challenges of transformation and reconciliation have resulted in the changing of the character of conflict and violence in post-apartheid South African society. This study also intends to analyse the current nature of conflict in post-apartheid South Africa such as; black on black, political assassinations and taxi violence. Although the nature of violent conflict in South Africa has transformed since post-apartheid, ostensibly, these conflicts are nevertheless rooted in apartheid. Given the foregoing, it appears that the full recovery from the apartheid era is still a far cry. In order for this recovery to take place, some of the structures of the apartheid era must be removed and multi-racial groups fully integrated. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. )-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed between the “old” and “new” South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die 1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.

There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.

Après avoir créé La Cantatrice chauve en 1949, Ionesco n’a pas tardé à apparaître comme une force de renouvellement du théâtre français. S’il se détache progressivement de sa posture agressivement avant-gardiste, il ne renonce pas à faire de sa dramaturgie un objet d’exploration : de l’introduction du rêve sur la scène, à la tentation de l’autobiographie dramatique. Le mouvement de la quête artistique a cependant cohabité avec une immuabilité ontologique, souvent revendiquée par l’auteur lui-même. Les pièces portent les empreintes d’un ressassement qui, dans l’ombre, travaille l’homme. Il se nourrit d’obsessions telles que l’angoisse de la mort, l’effarement devant la violence de ses semblables, la douleur de l’impuissance à ressusciter la lumière de l’enfance. Ionesco a trouvé dans la réécriture un processus créateur susceptible d’embrasser et de dépasser ses contradictions. Depuis La Cantatrice chauve – autoadaptation d’une première version roumaine– jusqu’à son dernier théâtre – conçu à partir d’un récit autofictionnel et de récits de rêve, en passant par la transmodalisation de nouvelles et la reprise de deux chefs-d’œuvre allogènes, Journal de l’Année de la Peste de Daniel Defoe et Macbeth de Shakespeare, Ionesco réécrit, les autres comme lui-même. La reprise textuelle, en ce qu’elle épouse le double mouvement de la pause réflexive et de l’impulsion conquérante, lui a ainsi fourni un précieux outil pour penser et repenser sa dramaturgie. Notre travail s’attache à étudier en diachonie les paradoxes et les prouesses de l’œuvre littéraire à la lumière de cette pratique scripturale. Nous avons cherché à montrer l’influence décisive qu’a eue la réécriture sur l’évolution de la dramaturgie ionescienne. La consultation de ses manuscrits a constitué un outil majeur pour appréhender le travail de répétition de ses réécritures. / After having created The Bald Soprano in 1949, Ionesco soon appears as a force of renewal in French theater. While he progressively moved away from his aggressively avant-gardist stance, he never stopped to use his dramaturgy as an object of exploration, from the introduction of dreams on the stage to the temptation of dramatic autobiography. This dynamics of artistic quest has always been coexistent with an ontological immutability often reasserted by the author himself. His plays bear the imprints of a resifting that constantly if implicitly shapes him, and which feeds on obsessions such as anxiety about death, consternation at human violence, the pain provoked by his inability to resuscitate the light of childhood. Ionesco found in the process of rewriting a creative way to embrace and go beyond his contradictions. From The Bald Soprano – a self-adaptation of a first Romanian version – to his last plays – based on an autofictional story and dream narratives, and including the transmodalisation of short stories and the adaptation of two foreign masterpieces, Journal of a Plague Year by Daniel Defoe and Macbeth by Shakespeare, Ionesco rewrites others and himself. Thus textual repetition, which embraces the double motion of reflexive pause and of conquering impulsion, gave him a precious tool to think and rethink his dramaturgy. Our work diachronically studies the paradoxes and prowesses of his literary work in light of this writing practice. We sought to demonstrate the decisive influence that the process of rewriting had on the evolution of Ionesco’s dramaturgy. The study of his manuscripts has been a major tool for understanding the repetition at work in his rewriting.

Au travers de l’étude du renseignement aérien en France de 1945 à 1994, il s’agit de replacer l’emploi de cet outil décisionnel sur une échelle de temps longue afin d’en comprendre sa perception chez les décideurs français. Pour analyser les évolutions du renseignement aérien, nous avons comparé les expériences opérationnelles avec les corpus doctrinaux et les innovations technologiques du système de collecte. Notre étude s’est appesantie sur les implications tactiques, stratégiques et politiques de notre objet d’étude pour expliciter les différentes dimensions de ses perceptions d’emploi. Afin de mieux comprendre ces facteurs évolutifs dans le contexte français, nous avons également introduit des points comparatifs avec les Etats-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne. C’est également un moyen d’entrevoir l’influence de facteurs étrangers sur les évolutions d’emploi et de perceptions du renseignement aériens français, tout en précisant les spécificités françaises. Entre la mission de collecte, défini comme la reconnaissance et l’ensemble du renseignement aérien, la question qui se pose est de savoir ce qui doit être compris comme objet focalisant la perception du décideur militaire ou politique. Le renseignement aérien peut-il être compris, en France, comme un service de renseignement à part entière ou juste comme un système de collecte au service d’un acteur décisionnel ? L’autre question est de savoir comment les différentes évolutions qui ont touché notre objet d’étude ont influencé ses perceptions d’emploi. Au-delà de ces problématiques, celle du rapport entre l’image et le décideur, spécifique au renseignement aérien, influence t-elle également sa perspective d’utilisation ? / Through the study of the Aerial Intelligence in France from 1945 to 1994, is to replace the use of this decision making tool on a long time scale to understand his perception among French policymakers. To analyze the evolution of Aerial Intelligence, we compared operational experiences with the doctrinal corpus and technological innovations of the collection system. We worked on tactical, strategic and political implications of our object of study to clarify the various aspects of his job perceptions. To better understand these evolutionary factors in the French context, we also introduced comparative points with the United States and Britain. It's also a way to perceive the influence of foreign factors on the using developments and perceptions of French aerial intelligence, but while specifying the French specificities. Between the collecting mission, defined as the reconnaissance and the entire Aerial Intelligence, the question arises is to know what is understood like the object to the perception of military or political decision maker. The Aerial Intelligence can it be understood in France as a separate intelligence service or just as a collection system at the service of decision-actor? The other question is how the various developments that have affected our object of study have influenced his using perceptions. Beyond these issues, the relationship between the image and the decision maker, specific to Aerial Intelligence, influences also its perspective of use?

CHAGAS, Roberto Múcio Vieira. Controle Social na Agenda Pública do Ceará Contemporâneo: a experiência de democratização do Conselho Estadual do Trabalho - CET/CE (1994-2002). 2007. 362f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Avaliação de Políticas Públicas, Fortaleza (CE), 2007. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-09-26T16:16:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007-DIS-RMVCHAGAS.pdf: 3325311 bytes, checksum: 309e2e72fa2135547992e8cd4c6685ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-09-26T16:48:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007-DIS-RMVCHAGAS.pdf: 3325311 bytes, checksum: 309e2e72fa2135547992e8cd4c6685ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-09-26T16:48:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007-DIS-RMVCHAGAS.pdf: 3325311 bytes, checksum: 309e2e72fa2135547992e8cd4c6685ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / With the outset of the contemporary order of global capitalism, the western democratic societies started to face great challenges in the democratization unchaining among the State, the civil society, and the market. In the same rhythm, as impacting as those challenges, have been the solutions put by and for those political spheres due to the State transformation efforts. Thanks to the vast renovating political scope, the accountability and publicização perspectives of the State and its public policies are invoked in the current democratization scenario. The present work analyzed, in the Brazilian scenario of reforms post 1988 to the beginning of the 2000’s, the possibilities of the social control in the contemporary public agenda vis-à-vis the democratization among the State, the civil society, and the market. The study was based on two fundamental theoretical-methodological dimensions: Social control as a theoretical-political object of reflections and social control as an empiric object. In the first dimension, the social control was analyzed in a wide way, related to the current phenomena of global capitalism development and State reform. In this analysis, the argumentation axis is the idea that these phenomena, producing meaningful influences in the plan of the relationships among the State–civil society–market, stimulated perspectives of social transparency/responsibility (accountability), and amplification of the political regulation in the scopes of the civil society and citizenship (publicização), exercising an important role as an inductor of new ways of social control of the State and its public policies. In the dimension of the empiric object, one has chosen to analyze the social control configured in the public agenda of the contemporary Ceará, with the creation of a democratic institutionality, in the professional education field, between 1994 and 2002, through the experience of the Labor State Council-LSC/CE. The LSC/CE investigation as a social control space, in the sense of a larger transparency and publicização of PEQ/CE, enabled the exam of real political conditions of public deliberation in the scope of this Collegiate. The qualitative approach in the research process provided a fertile character, in legitimacy and concreteness, in the reconstitution of the sociopolitical and historical constructions of the subjects involved. The analysis of the exercise of the LSC/CE public deliberation was based on two investigative axes: representation and participation. Both configure privileged fields of critical themes analysis that are correlated with key-aspects of James Bohman's theorizations on public deliberation. The study conclusions stand out an innovative mark in the public character of the professional education as a state public policy revealing the structure complexity of the social representation delineated. A relevant discovery were the limits identified in the tripartite system (government/employees’ and employers’ corporative organizations) that operate restrictive patterns in the dialogic process, and impede the growing pluralism progress in the civil society scope, becoming a “Gordian knot” of the public deliberation, which exposes the LSC/CE to the face of a mixed space in traditional corporativism forms with neocorporativism styles. / Com o advento da ordem contemporânea de capitalismo global, as sociedades democráticas ocidentais passaram a enfrentar grandes desafios no deslanche de democratização entre Estado, sociedade civil e o mercado. No mesmo ritmo, tão impactantes quanto esses desafios, têm sido as soluções colocadas por e para essas esferas políticas diante dos esforços de transformação do Estado. Mercê do vasto escopo político renovador, invocam-se no cenário atual de democratização, as perspectivas de accountability e publicização do Estado e de suas políticas públicas. O presente trabalho analisou, no cenário brasileiro de reformas pós-88 ao início dos anos 2000, as possibilidades do controle social na agenda pública contemporânea vis-à-vis a democratização entre Estado, sociedade civil e mercado. O estudo baseou-se em duas dimensões teórico-metodológicas fundamentais: Controle social enquanto objeto teórico-político de reflexões e controle social enquanto objeto empírico. Na primeira dimensão, analisou-se o controle social de uma forma ampla, relacionada com os fenômenos atuais de desenvolvimento do capitalismo global e reforma do Estado. Nesta análise, o eixo de argumentação é a idéia de que estes fenômenos, produzindo influências significativas no plano das relações entre Estado-sociedade civil-mercado, estimularam perspectivas de transparência/responsabilização social (accountability) e de amplificação da regulação política nos âmbitos de sociedade civil e cidadania (publicização), exercendo um importante papel como indutor de novas formas de controle social do Estado e de suas políticas públicas. Na dimensão do objeto empírico, optou-se por analisar o controle social configurado na agenda pública do Ceará contemporâneo, com a criação de uma institucionalidade democrática, na área da educação profissional, entre os anos de 1994 a 2002, através da experiência do Conselho Estadual do Trabalho-CET/CE. A investigação do CET/CE como espaço de controle social, no sentido da maior transparência e publicização do PEQ/CE, possibilitou o exame de condições políticas reais de deliberação pública no âmbito deste Colegiado. A abordagem qualitativa no processo de pesquisa imprimiu caráter fecundo, em legitimidade e concretude, na reconstituição das construções sóciopolíticas e históricas dos sujeitos envolvidos. A análise do exercício de deliberação pública do CET/CE baseou-se em dois eixos investigativos: representação e participação.Ambos configuram campos privilegiados de análise de temas criticos que se correlacionam com aspectos-chave das teorizações de James Bohman sobre deliberação pública. Conclusões do estudo destacam cunho inovador no caráter público da educação profissional como política pública estadual revelando a complexidade da estrutura de representação social delineada. Uma descoberta relevante foram os limites identificados no sistema tripartite (governo/organizações corporativas dos empregados e empregadores) que operam padrões restritivos no processo dialógico e impedem o avanço de pluralismo crescente no âmbito de sociedade civil, constituindo-se em “nó górdio” da deliberação pública, tal que expõe o CET/CE à face de um espaço misto de formas tradicionais de corporativismo com estilos de neocorporativismo.