<p>The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.</p>

This is a study, through extensive empirical fieldwork research, of political elite formation in the Provincial Legislature of KwaZulu-Natal over a ten-year period from 1994-2004. The period of this study covers two successive provincial government elections and two terms of office. The first election was the founding election of South Africa's new democracy. Through the frameworks of classical and democratic elite theory, the social and political composition, patterns of recruitment, values, ideology and institutional capacity of the elected members of the legislature are analysed. The findings of this study demonstrate that the new institutional context has provided for greater party fluidity and instability in the legislature of a political elite that came to power through fragmented and contradictory alliances, has become more homogenous, and for some, their contradictory affiliations tie their interests to the legislature. In addition, an emerging political culture of value systems and ideology is beginning to take shape across political parties in a manner that has the potential to undermine the democratic institutions of government. As a product of this, and an underdeveloped institutional capacity, certain issues dominate the provincial agenda as the elite come to redefine their interests. Alongside this the longevity of a few is guaranteed. As such, political elite formation in KwaZulu-Natal has the potential to undermine the basis of democracy in the province. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2008.

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World history has been punctuuted by cycles of violence, regardless of time, region or race. Genocide. which is the worst form of violence has always led to horrible impacts of a social, economic and environmental nature. The last decade of the 20th Century was the most turbulent Rwanda has ever seen. The country was ravaged by civil war,genocide, mass migration. economic crisis. diseases, return of refugees and deforestation. Almost all Rwandan families were affected wherever they were and at multiple levels, by outcomes such as death, disease, disability, poverty, loss of dignity and imprisonment. Fortunately, the people of Rwanda have chosen the path of peace. but arc still faced with a huge task of dealiing with the impacts or the genocide and prior conflicts in the region. This dissertation attempts to investigate the socio-economic impacts of the genocide on current development in Rwanda using primClry and secondary data obtained from fieldwork undertaken in Cyangugu and Rutare Towns. The conceptual basis for the study was the Geography of Conflict, The general conclusion reached was that the causes and consequences of the Rwandan genocide are multidimensional. The Rwandan genocide did not originate from the "ancient hatred" between Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups, but from the manipulation of history and bad leadership. Also. the main impacts of genocide in Rwanda are the destruction of human resources. social and cultural structures in the country, especially the relationship between the Hutus and Tutsis ethnic groups. In the same way the genocide resulted in destruction of infrastructure. development facilities and natural resources, However. the effort for reconstruction and development undertaken after the genocide shows that rcconciliation is possible in long term despite what happened. The lasting solution for Rwanda is definitely national reconciliation and its success will depend mainly on good governance, human resource development and poverty alleviation. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2008.

The reason for highlighting the difference between GATT and GATS is to focus on the impact of these agreements on the developing countries and in particular the latter will be the main focus of this paper. The economies and governments of the developing states are struggling to generate sustainable capitol growth and maintain financial stability to enhance economic growth. This is due to dictators who rule in such a manner to maintain power irrespective of the future economic viability of their state. Thus the environment for sustainable economic growth is wrath with political instability, lack of proper financial control and eagerness to attract foreign investment and allowing market access to developed states.

<p>The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.</p>

<p>The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.</p>

Inaug.-Diss.: Philosophische Fakultät: Saarbrücken: 1976. _ Bibliogr. p. 247-273.

Este trabalho constitui-se na análise do discurso dos candidatos ao governo do Rio Grande do Sul nas eleições de 1994, Olívio Dutra e Antônio Britto, buscando identificar como ambos apresentam -se aos eleitores, através do horário de propaganda eleitoral gratuita. O enfoque está centrado na definição da crise gaúcha e na necessidade de recuperação do estado, o que leva de um lado ao discurso da competência administrativa, e de outro a uma forma de governar oposta à tradicional, definida como o jeito petista. A recuperação do Rio Grande do Sul é também vinculada ao tipo de relacionamento político com o governo federal, de alinhamento ou de oposição, conforme a postura política do candidato. Essas posições são justificadas por um discurso regionalista de defesa dos interesses do Rio Grande do Sul e combate a uma histórica discriminação pelo centro político nacional. O estudo também busca apresentar a identidade regional estabelecida a partir das duas propostas de relacionamento com o poder federal. O discurso da oposição ao centro reforça a identidade do Rio Grande do Sul de estado dissidente e o discurso de alinhamento com o governo federal atua em sentido contrário, estabelecendo uma nova forma de singularidade do regional que seria a grandiosidade alcançada através da unidade com o poder central. / This paper consists of the analysis of the discourse of the candidates to the government of Rio Grande do Sul state at the elections of 1994, Olívio Dutra e Antônio Britto. It aims at identifying the way both candidates address to the electorate during the :free electoral propaganda broadcast on television. The approach is focused on the definition of the crisis of the state and the need for its recovery. Such approach leads to a discourse that, on the one hand, covers administrative competence issues and, on the other hand, covers a way of governing opposite to the traditional one, defined as the" labour party way of governing". The recovery of Rio Grande do Sul is also attached to the kind of political relationship settled with the Federal Government, seen as aligning or opposing, according to each candidate's political positioning. These positions are supported by a regionalist discourse in defense of the interests of Rio Grande do Sul and a fight against the historical discrimination coming from the national political center. This paper also seeks to present the regional identity brought up by the two proposals o f relationship links with the Federal Government. The discourse held by the opposition to the center reinforces the identity of Rio Grande do Sul as a discident state whereas the discourse supporting the aligning with the Federal Government proposes, on its counterpart, a new singular regional status which would be established by the grandiosity o f the state achieved through the unity with the central government.

The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.