Orientador: Jorge Rubens Biton Tapia / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-24T23:33:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodriguez_Vicente_D.pdf: 6669643 bytes, checksum: fd749fc94d1900afe8a39debd9a59c35 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1999 / Resumo: Este trabalho discute o processo de descentralização das políticas educacionais no período de 1987 a 1994. A sua principal abordagem refere-se aos impactos dos conflitos federativos que dominaram este processo. O trabalho apresenta uma interpretação do período que se situa entre a constituição de 1988 e a aprovação da Emenda 14/95 que determina a criação do Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e Valorização do Magistério. As principais conclusões conduziram à percepção de que o processo de descentralização da educação realizou-se em condições de descoordenação nacional e local, com uma dinâmica geral de irracionalidade administrativa e financeira, assentada na competitividade política entre as esferas de governo, levando a resultados administrativos contrastantes com a descentralização desejada. O resultado da análise do perfil da oferta, no período, indica que, se continuassem desenvolvendo-se dentro das tendências verificadas, a maioria dos estados acabariam por conformar um sistema nacional de ensino descentralizado não hierarquizado. As condições gerais do conflito federal e a reação autofágica dos atores federativos dos diferentes sistemas educativos são as referências a partir das quais este trabalho explica o desenvolvimento dos diferentes processos de descentralização nos estados. Os processos de descentralização em contextos de Estados federativos, com autonomia política e financeira dos diferentes entes governamentais, dependem fortemente da adesão dos governos subn.acionais. No entanto, a idéia de descentralização implica a transferência de responsabilidade de um nível de governo' para outro, o que significa que durante um período de tempo as decisões a serem' tomadas envolvem e impactam duas ou mais esferas de governo. Diferentemente da descentralização em estados unitários onde a determinação do nível central é decisiva, nos estados federativos as decisões de um nível de governo superior não necessariamente causam o impacto desejado no nível subnacional. Há necessidade nestes contextos de considerar, tanto as condições históricas dos processos de implementação do federalismo nos Estados estudados, quanto a iniciativa política dos governos centrais que apontam para o conjunto de incentivos que tornaria possível a adesão dos níveis infranacionais. / Abstract: Not informed / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciência Política

Orientador : Luis Alberto Peluso / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T02:09:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rufatto_CarlosAlberto_M.pdf: 20295971 bytes, checksum: d99f127ab8da80c4463c0363c609aeaf (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991 / Resumo: De acordo com Popper, no âmbito da Ciência haveria a possibilidade para uma discussão e escolha racional entre teorias concorrentes. Esta tese procura investigar se um processo semelhante seria possível no âmbito da concepção popperiana de política. A partir de uma análise da concepção de Popper sobre a Ciência se procurará determinar quais as condições que tornariam possível a discussão e a escolha racional de teorias nesta esfera. De posse desses dados se investigará quais as condições que possibilitariam um processo semelhante a este no âmbito da concepção popperiana de política. Um dos resultados da investigação é a constatação de que Popper, apesar da importância que confere para a racionalidade na política, não se aprofundou na análise das condições que poderiam viabilizar tal projeto. O objetivo principal da tese é fazer avançar o debate a respeito desta questão. Se argumentará no sentido de mostrar que as condições que garantem a discussão e a escolha racional de teorias, tanto na Ciência como na política, são bastante semelhantes; e que algumas condições, que não foram abordadas em profundidade por Popper, podem ser elaboradas segundo uma interpretação que estabelece relações com sua concepção de Ciência e que se mostram em sintonia com a tradição liberal da qual ele é tributário / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Filosofia Politica / Mestre em Filosofia Politica

Die sogenannte "Ostöffnung" des Jahres 1989 hat die österreichische Wirtschaft durch seine unmittelbare Nachbarschaft mit den entwickeltsten Transformationsstaaten sehr unmittelbar beeinflußt. Neben einem starken Anstieg des österreichischen Investitionsengagements in den CEEC-6 (Polen, Ungarn, Tschechien, Slowakei, Slowenien, Kroatien) sowie einer im Vergleich zu anderen OECD-Staaten überdurchschnittlichen Betroffenheit von Migrationströmen hatte die Ostöffnung vor allem äußerst positive Konsequenzen für die österreichische Handelsentwicklung mit Mittel- und Osteuropa. Die völlige Umorientierung der wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen hin zu den westlichen Industrienationen war mit stark positiven Effekten für die österreichische Handelsbilanz verbunden. / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series

This thesis should essentially be considered as an exposition of the foreign policy of a "new", apartheid-free South Africa in a post-Cold War international arena, arguing for a pro-active and prudent foreign policy. An important goal of the study is to make as dispassionate and rational as possible a contribution to the debate on South Africa's future foreign policy, national roles and external relations. A further aim of the study shall be to deduce relevant results of perpetual and viable foreign policy orientations and national role models within the framework of policy alternatives to South Africa's decision-makers in the future.

Winnie Mandela has endured so many scandals over the last ten years that she has acquired a reputation for being untouchable. It is therefore ironic that there are those who feel that "the ANC want to act against Winnie not because of her human rights record, but for her outspoken criticism of the government's inability to deliver houses, thwart crime and testing our feelings on the death penalty." This assessment is instructive because in the "... turbulent years of the 1980s, she was a hero, a living martyr to the black liberation cause and despite the discomforts inflicted on her by her perpetrators, she revelled in the role" (Sparks, 1994:15). But Winnie Madikazela-Mandela, who was a Deputy Minister before being dismissed and who has had to appear before the TRC because of allegations that she was responsible for the death of teenage activist Stompie Seipei, has nevertheless been able to make a political comeback. The thesis therefore sets out to examine the rationale behind the State President's (he did not hold this title then) decision to take a considerable risk in standing by Winnie Madikazela-Mandela (they were at the time married) during her trial on charges of kidnapping in 1991. Even after her conviction, Mandela wrote that "as far as I was concerned, verdict or no verdict, her innocence was not in doubt." This unstinting loyalty was replicated elsewhere. Commenting on her acquittal on the assault charges, ANC Youth League President, Peter Mokaba, said: "What was taken away from her as a result of these false allegations must now be given back". He described the Appellate Division decision as "a political sentence" saying: "It has nothing to do with whether she was guilty or not."3 The ANC has established a practice of accommodating dissidents within its structures and has survived complex challenges during its years in exile by doing so. But political commentators are now asking whether the political cost will prove to be too great.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Politics) / In recent years, growing concerns over the strength of South Africa’s democracy appear to indicate a population increasingly disillusioned and dissatisfied with the quality of its implementation. The overall purpose of this study was to assess the quality of democracy in South Africa after 17 years of democracy and in so doing, to ascertain whether or not this growing perception is valid. The study is essentially an audit of South Africa’s democracy (with a personally derived method of scoring included) and utilises two existing analytical frameworks of democracy assessment, International IDEA’s State of Democracy framework and Leonardo Morlino’s tool for empirical research on democratic qualities, TODEM. The strengths of these two international frameworks are adapted to be applicable specifically to an assessment of South Africa’s democracy. The assessment is based on an analysis of primary and secondary literature and is informed by formal personal interviews and informal personal discussions with identified experts in the various democratic dimensions under assessment. Personal scoring is then based on the qualitative information derived together with the input from these experts which points to shortcomings, deficiencies, achievements and successes in South Africa’s democracy. A definition of democracy is identified followed by four pillars of democracy assessment against which to evaluate South Africa’s democracy: the rule of law and institutional capacity; representative and accountable government; civil society and popular participation; and freedom and equality. Within each pillar, several dimensions are identified, which in turn, comprise several indicators. Overarching considerations are borne in mind throughout the assessment as well as guiding questions that narrow the focus. In terms of the overall categorisation of quality democracy used in the study, that is, ‘low’ (very low presence and application of indicators in general - inefficient democracy); ‘low to medium’(low presence and application of indicators in some of the dimensions but some signs of efficiency in one or more of the other dimensions); ‘medium’ (indicators are present and applied for the most part; possible inertia must be avoided in favour of vigorous and conscientious action to improve on significant problem areas); ‘medium to high’ (indicators are present in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice barring a few problems); and ‘high’ (indicators are strongly present and fully applied across all dimensions – indicative of a robust, healthy democracy), it was found that South Africa places at the high end of ‘medium’ quality democracy - a positive finding especially given that only 17 years have transpired since the country’s democratisation. This means, therefore, that despite problems, indicators of quality democracy are present for the most part in most dimensions and are effectively guaranteed in practice. Several of the most notable are, namely: consistently free and fair elections; a strong rule of law and independent judiciary; significantly improved participation of women in political life; a dynamic civil society; comprehensive civil and political rights; and a vigilant media actively engaged in its watchdog role. However, where problems do remain, it is essentially as a result of a lack of effective implementation of existing procedural elements. The areas in which South Africa has performed the worst thus far and which therefore present the most challenges in need of improvement are with regard to poor levels of individual security; high levels of corruption, negative effects of cadre deployment; continued existence of discrimination, spreading poverty and inequality; and lack of efficient governance at local level in particular. It is evident that the government must build on the successes achieved and take vigorous action to improve on the identified problem areas in order to continue to strengthen the quality of South Africa’s democracy.

Magister Legum - LLM / The reason for highlighting the difference between GATT and GATS is to focus on the impact of these agreements on the developing countries and in particular the latter will be the main focus of this paper. The economies and governments of the developing states are struggling to generate sustainable capitol growth and maintain financial stability to enhance economic growth. This is due to dictators who rule in such a manner to maintain power irrespective of the future economic viability of their state. Thus the environment for sustainable economic growth is wrath with political instability, lack of proper financial control and eagerness to attract foreign investment and allowing market access to developed states. / South Africa

Magister Scientiae - MSc / The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide. / South Africa

Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.

Orientador: Michel Ghins / Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T21:34:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Caponi_GustavoAndres_M.pdf: 32204747 bytes, checksum: 2f0387568c015dcda6275d34398fc05b (MD5) Previous issue date: 1989 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em Lógica e Filosofia da Ciência